Fate of EU – Turkey relations …


A new relationship is needed with Turkey !

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Batı Cephesi’nde (AB-Türkiye) Yeni Bir Şey yok!


Seç Beğen Al!

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The end of the era of Abdullah Gül to the CoE…


 

…and beginning of collapse of the President Erdogan

As far as future events are concerned, we have to say one thing very clearly. The introduction of the death penalty in Turkey would be the crossing of a red line. A country with an active death penalty cannot be part of the family in this Chamber and many people cannot imagine a country whose legislation includes an active death penalty being part of that family.

As far as future events are concerned, we have to say one thing very clearly. The introduction of the death penalty in Turkey would be the crossing of a red line. That leaves us no option but to act. Either we stand up for the values of the Assembly, or we “know our place” under the command of President Erdoğan.

The Turkish authorities are managing the post-coup period through brutal and disproportionate measures far removed from the values and norms of the Council of Europe.

Turkey is not looking after its own best interests. The new system of government in Turkey is unwise. Having a system in which the judiciary is not independent does not guarantee a good constitution. The issue of monitoring is, frankly, irrelevant.

What is important is that the Turkish State and the Turkish political classes take a clear and cool look at what sort of Turkey they want.

Eminent Turkish authorities says; the Venice Commission did not issue a legal opinion – it was a political opinion. We should reject that idea, because it was an opinion given by high constitutional jurists, and our Assembly’s task is to protect the Venice Commission. If we doubt the opinions of the Venice Commission, we might as well just quit.

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Cumhurbaşkanı ve Başbakan bariz suç işliyor…


 

Cumhuriyet’i koruma yemini etmiş Anayasa Mahkemesi ve Savcılar ise SUSKUN, suçu görmezden geliyorlar!

Anayasa Mahkemesi Kararları kesin hüküm içerir temyiz edilemez. Bu hüküm karşısında verilen kararlara -Hukukun üstünlüğü nedeniyle- herkesin kabulü emredicidir.

Cumhurbaşkanı; “Benim dönemimde eyalet sistemi asla ve kat’a olmaz” dedi.

Hükümetler; Devletin yönetimi için, millet tarafından uygun görülmüş yasal bir parti örgütüdür.

Hükümetler, Devlet yönetimini anayasa başta olmak üzere, Hukuk kurallarına bağlı kalarak yürütmek mecburiyetindedirler. Hukukun üstünlüğü, hükümetlerin sorumluluk alanını belirler.

Devletin varlığında devamlılık esastır. Hükümetler ise geçicidir.

Bu durumda, Cumhurbaşkanının beyanının doğurduğu suç unsurları şunlardır:

☠Türkiye’de görünürde hükümet; Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisidir. Ama Cumhurbaşkanı beyanatında kendini kast etmektedir. Bu durumda hükümet, Siyasi Partiler Yasasına karşın Kanuna karşı hile yapmış olmaktadır.

☠ Hukuk kurallarına göre, şu anda mer’i anayasa hükmü gereği tarafsız olması gerekirken yapılan hile sonucu Partisi adına Referandum seçimine taraf olmaktadır.

☠ Cumhurbaşkanı, kendinden sonra gelecek kişinin ne tür bir yetki kullanacağını belirsiz kılmakta ve bununla referandumdan şahsi bir beklenti içine girmektedir. Bu beklentinin ne olup olmadığı ise Ülkemizde Cumhuriyet Savcılarının uhdesine düşen bir KOVUŞTURMA görevidir.

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Not a «Banal» Referandum!


 

WHY?

In any case, this is a highly critical electoral competition for the future of Turkey. The proposed constitutional reform would lead to the most significant changes in the political system since the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. For this reason, it is important to understand the following points:

☪ This is not a run-of-the-mill electoral competition…

☪ The campaigning period has been very irregular…

☪ Society is more divided than ever…

☪ There are many undecided voters, in addition to undeclared ‘No’ voters that no poll is able to determine…

☪ Turnout, both at home and abroad –after all the crises with European countries– is a very important issue…

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EVET Mİ? HAYIR MI?


 

«Güzel» olmanın «Avantajı!»

Aşık Veysel * Karacaoğlan

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PACE Spring session 2017


 

The functioning of democratic institutions in Turkey!

Le fonctionnement des institutions démocratiques en Turquie sera au centre de la Session plénière de printemps de l’Assemblée parlementaire du Conseil de l’Europe [APCE](Mardi 25 avril)

The functioning of democratic institutions in Turkey will take centre-stage at the Spring plenary part-session the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly [ PACE] (Tuesday 25 April)

The Monitoring Committee is worried about the detention of parliamentarians and journalists, repeated violations of the freedom of expression and of the media and the situation in south-east Turkey, leading to a serious deterioration of the functioning of democratic institutions.

The committee has moreover expressed concern about the constitutional amendments (in particular respect for the separation of powers, checks and balances and independence of the judiciary) to secure a presidential system and the conditions of the organisation of the referendum of 16 April 2017.

In the light of these developments, the Monitoring Committee urges Turkey to take urgent measures (including the lifting of the state of emergency and the release of MPs and journalists) and proposes that the Parliamentary Assembly reopen the monitoring procedure so as to intensify its co-operation with the Turkish authorities and all forces in the country.

Le fonctionnement des institutions démocratiques en Turquie

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