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More U.S. Humanitarian Airdrop & Airstrikes on ISIL Targets…

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Hassasiyetimizi korumak zorundayız

Bizim buraki hassasiyetlerimiz var. Fakat anamuhalefetin genel müdürü maalesef bu hassasiyetleri gözardı ediyor. Bizim şu anda 49 vatandaşımız var. Biz, Kılıçdaroğlu kadar rahat değiliz. Hassasiyetimizi korumak zorundayız. Ne yapmak istediğimizi konuşma noktasında da değilim. Kılıçdaroğlu’nu rahatlatmak gibi bir derdim de yok. Ama ailelerinden görüştüklerim var. Ailelerinden görüştüklerime de hangi konumda olduğumuzu anlatıyorum. Onlar bizi çok iyi anlıyorlar. Şu anda yaptığımızın, bu noktada isabetli, doğru olduğunu da söylüyorlar. Amerika’nın şu anki tavrı bizim tavrımıza benzemez. Fakat biz şu anda gerek Türkmen kardeşlerimize, gerek oradaki Yezidiler dahil hepsine gıda yardımı gönderdik, gönderiyoruz. Aynı şekilde Kuzey Irak’taki Kürtlere bu noktada her türlü insani yardımı gönderiyoruz. Bu yardımlarımızı devam ettirme kararlılığındayız. Kendileriyle sürekli görüşme halindeyiz. Bütün arzumuz, isteğimiz bir an önce Kuzey Irak’ta, hatta Irak’ın bütününde bu sıkıntıları aşmış olalım.

At izi, it izine karışmış durumda, böyle bir durum var. Onun için tabii belli odaklar, belli yerlerle görüşmeler aynı kararlılıkta devam ediyor ve devam edecek. Bu konuda bölge ülkeleriyle olan şeyimiz, aynı şekilde Amerika ile olan görüşmeler, Birleşmiş Milletler ile olan görüşmeler devam ediyor.

Şu andaki Maliki hükümeti seçilmiş bir hükümet değil. Bakın meclis başkanı belirlendi, cumhurbaşkanı belirlendi ama gel gör ki şu anda cumhurbaşkanının başbakanı belirlemesi noktasında adım atılamıyor. Meclis toparlanamıyor, böyle bir konumda. Onun için böyle bir adımın atılabilmesi için bir an önce tabii başbakanın seçilmesi lazım. Bunun için de meclisin toparlanabilmesi lazım. Çünkü cumhurbaşkanının yetki verdiği kişi meclise gidebilecek konumda olması lazım. Böyle bir sıkıntı şu anda Irak’ta devam ediyor.

Türkiye’ye olan güven her geçen gün artıyor. Demek ki Türkiye’siz bir çözüm burada söz konusu değil. Türkiye ile bu iş olursa olacak. Onun içinde bizimle diplomasi trafiği çok yoğun bir şekilde devam ediyor. Dışişlerimiz bu noktada çok aktif bir rol oynamaya devam ediyor. Başbakan Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

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Defending the Kurds, Not Iraq

by Dr. Nora Bensahel – The airstrikes that began this morning in the northern region of Iraq are a limited action to defend the Kurds, which will not necessarily lead to an expansive U.S. military commitment to the state of Iraq as a whole. Intervening on behalf of the Kurds, who are long-standing U.S. partners, is very different from intervening to support the Iraqi government and Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, who is rightly seen as a divisive leader who has fanned Iraq’s sectarian flames.

The United States has used air power to protect the Kurds before. Starting in 1991, the United States conducted air strikes to defend the Kurds from Saddam Hussein, which evolved into a no-fly zone over northern Iraq that the United States enforced continuously until the 2003 invasion. The United States also used airdrops to provide the Kurds with humanitarian relief in 1991, as occurred last night in the Mount Sinjar area where tens of thousands of Kurdish refugees have fled. These precedents make it far more likely that President Obama’s decision will be seen as a limited action rather than as an expansive new commitment to the state of Iraq as a whole.

Protecting the Kurds is a far different decision from intervening on behalf of Maliki and his Shia-dominated government in Baghdad. Any U.S. military action on behalf of that government (or its immediate successor) would be seen inside Iraq and throughout the region as taking sides in Iraq’s currently unfolding sectarian war – which would inevitably draw the United States further into the conflict. But President Obama has avoided that by strictly limiting the use of air power to the Kurdish regions of Iraq, in order to defend the Kurdish regional capital of Irbil and provide humanitarian relief.

President Obama was right to make this decision, but now his challenge will be keeping this intervention limited. He must resist pressure to intervene elsewhere in Iraq, or to expand the military goals to directly attacking ISIL’s leadership. Expanding this currently limited mission would begin an inexorable march by the United States into a widening sectarian war. More.

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IS Routs Peshmerga, Takes Control of Sinjar Mountains, Jeopardizes Yazidi Homeland

by Matthew Barber – Sinjar (“Shingal” in Kurdish) is one of a few key areas that constitute the homeland of the Yazidi religious minority. One of the few remaining non-Abrahamic religions of the Middle-East, the Yazidis are a particularly vulnerable group lacking advocacy in the region. Not belonging to the small set of religions carrying the Islamic label “People of the Book,” Yazidis are branded mushrikiin (polytheists) by Salafis/jihadists and became targets of high levels of terrorist attacks and mass killing orchestrated by al-Qaida-affiliated jihadists, following the instability brought about by the War in Iraq. (…)

The mountain stronghold of Sinjar is a special center of Yazidi tradition that has long offered its people refuge from waves of religious persecution, including Ottoman attempts to wipe out all Yazidis who refused to convert to Islam. Modern warfare has made the community’s position more precarious, and today’s IS offensive has the potential to do irreparable damage to the stability of this Middle Eastern minority.

Yazidi religious practice is connected to a network of sacred places within the essential areas of the homeland; if contact with Sinjar’s holy places is severed and its population dispersed, the religious tradition will be further endangered as Yezidism moves a step closer to extinction. Full Report.

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A disaster made in the USA

The launching of a US air war against the Islamist State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in Iraq will only compound a catastrophe that has “Made in the USA” stamped all over it. The overrunning of much of the country by the Al Qaeda offshoot is the result not of a “failed policy,” but of criminal decisions that go back nearly twenty-five years.

The Gulf War of 1991 was followed by more than a decade of brutal sanctions and air strikes that killed an estimated one million Iraqis. Next was the conspiracy, hatched behind the backs of the American people, to use outright lies as the pretext for a war of conquest launched in 2003.
It is not possible to discuss the current situation without naming names: Bush, Cheney, Wolfowitz, Rumsfeld, Rice, Powell—the plotters who knowingly lied to the American people and the world to justify a war for oil and US imperialist domination. As everyone now knows, their claims of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction were a tissue of lies.

The other big lie was the claim that Saddam Hussein was in league with Al Qaeda. Before the US invasion and occupation of Iraq, there was no Al Qaeda in the country. The secular Baathist regime was hostile to the Islamist jihadist group. But the overthrow of Hussein and installation of a sectarian Shiite puppet regime opened the door for Al Qaeda to set up shop and flourish.
The authors of this slaughter themselves coined the terms that condemn them, such as “shock and awe.” They introduced other terms into the world’s vocabulary: Abu Ghraib, Fallujah, white phosphorus, rendition, water-boarding and Guantanamo.

Thousands of US troops were killed in the eight-year war and occupation. Tens of thousands more suffered permanent physical and psychological damage. Trillions of dollars were squandered while US workers’ living standards were devastated by layoffs, wage cuts and the gutting of social programs. </p

Hundreds of thousands of Iraqis were slaughtered, millions were turned into refugees, and the entire country was reduced to near rubble. Sectarian tensions between Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish populations were deliberately stoked as part of a divide-and-rule strategy.
Continue Read.

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The Islamic State’s Strategic and Tactical Plan for Iraq

By Murad Batal al- Shishani Since the announcement of the Islamic State, Iraq’s Sunni jihadist movement has been obsessed with controlling geographical space in order to declare an Islamic caliphate, a move that, in addition to its symbolic importance, would help raise recruits and secure the movement’s logistics. The group was shocked by the armed opposition of the Sunni Awakening Councils in 2007 and started planning for the post-U.S. occupation era in Iraq in 2010, when Iraq’s jihadist movement published an important booklet with direct relevance to the strategy and tactics used by the Islamic State today: Khoutah Istratigya li Ta’aziz al-Moqif al-Siyasi al-Dawlat al-Islamyiah fi al-Iraq (A Strategic Plan to Improve the Political Position of the Islamic State of Iraq).

The booklet was published in a time when the Iraqi jihadists were in difficulty, appearing only months before Abu Omar al-Baghdadi (Abu Musab al-Zarqawi’s successor as leader of al-Qaeda in Iraq) and the movement’s defense minister, Abu Hamza al-Muhajir, were killed in April 2010. The contents of Khoutah Istragiya outlined a strategic plan to “improve the position of Islamic state; therefore it will be more powerful politically and militarily… so the Islamic [State] project will be ready to take over all Iraq after the enemy troops withdraw.”

The Islamic State is a linear descendant of al-Zarqawi’s Tanzim Qa’idat al-Jihad fi Bilad al-Rafidayn (The Organization of Jihad’s Base in the Country of the Two Rivers – more commonly known as al-Qaeda in Iraq), formed in 2004 to fight the American invasion of Iraq.
The group, which is a splinter of al-Qaeda as a result of differences over practices and ideology (especially in Syria), has built its legitimacy around (…) Full Analysis.

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