Turkish-Georgian Relations…

Posted on 7 May 2014 by redaksiyon

Sturdy Cooperation in the Caucasus

Rusya, Ukrayna sınırından ordusunu çekti

File: President Gul’s official visit to Georgia.

Russia to Crimean Tartars: You’re Either With Us, Or Against Us

Law to integrate the education system in Crimea and Sevastopol into Russia’s education system

***

Vladimir Putin met at the Kremlin with President of Switzerland and OSCE Chairperson-in-Office Didier Burkhalter.

AGİT, Ukrayna’da Yol Haritası ile ilgili temasları koordine etmeye hazır

Possible avenues for helping to find a way out of the crisis in Ukraine were the main subject of discussion.

PRESIDENT OF RUSSIA VLADIMIR PUTIN

Mr President, colleagues, good afternoon, we are very happy to see you here.

I think that your visit is very timely. The Swiss Confederation currently heads the OSCE.

We have already discussed matters related to the grave and tragic events in Ukraine. I know that you have proposals and ideas on how to find a way out of the situation that has emerged. We have made our position known too.

I am very pleased to see you. Let’s try to analyse the situation and look for solutions to this crisis. Welcome, Mr President.

PRESIDENT OF SWITZERLAND AND OSCE CHAIRPERSON-IN-OFFICE DIDIER BURKHALTER

Thank you very much, Mr President. It is very important to have this opportunity for dialogue.

Dialogue is probably the main thing. We have had past opportunities to talk. This is the third time this year that we are holding discussions. We met previously during the Olympic Games in Sochi and also just before the decision on establishing a special monitoring mission.

I would very much like to discuss the proposed roadmap with you today, and to look at it in real detail if possible, in order to start its implementation. Source.

PRESIDENT OF RUSSIA VLADIMIR PUTIN

I want to start by welcoming once more our guest, the President of Switzerland and current head of the OSCE, and I want to thank him for the attention he is giving to settling this acute crisis in Ukraine. None of us are indifferent to what is happening there. The situation has us all very concerned.

Let me repeat once more that in Russia’s view, the blame for the crisis that emerged in Ukraine and is now taking the worst direction in its developments lies with those who organised the coup d’etat in Kiev on February 22-23, and have not yet taken the trouble to disarm right-wing radical and nationalist groups.
But no matter what the case, we must look for ways out of the situation as it is today. We all have an interest in ending this crisis, Ukraine and its people above all. Thus I say that we all want the crisis to end as soon as possible and in such a way that takes into account the interests of all people in Ukraine no matter where they live. The discussion with Mr President showed that our approaches to possible solutions to the crisis have much in common.

Russia urgently appeals to the authorities in Kiev to cease immediately all military and punitive operations in southeast Ukraine. This is not an effective means of resolving internal political conflicts and, on the contrary, will only deepen the divisions.

We welcome the release of Mr [Pavel] Gubarev, but we hope to see all the other political prisoners released too. We think the most important thing now is to launch direct dialogue, genuine, full-fledged dialogue between the Kiev authorities and representatives of southeast Ukraine. This dialogue could give people from southeast Ukraine the chance to see that their lawful rights in Ukraine really will be guaranteed.

In this context, we appeal too, to representatives of southeast Ukraine and supporters of federalisation to hold off the referendum scheduled for May 11, in order to give this dialogue the conditions it needs to have a chance.

Let me stress that the presidential election the Kiev authorities plan to hold is a step in the right direction, but it will not solve anything unless all of Ukraine’s people first understand how their rights will be guaranteed once the election has taken place.
In this respect, I hold the same position as Mr President, because we both believe that direct dialogue between the Kiev authorities and representatives of southeast Ukraine is the key to settling this crisis.

But one of the essential conditions for getting dialogue underway is an unconditional end to the use of force, whether with the help of the armed forces, which is completely unacceptable in the modern world, or through the use of illegal armed radical groups. Russia is ready to contribute as it can to resolving the Ukrainian crisis and playing an active and positive part in the Geneva process.

QUESTION

President Putin,

The Ukrainian government has made recent statements to the effect that they are ready to begin broad decentralisation in the country. First of all, does this decentralisation suit you?

Second, we hear that the violence must end and we must settle the conflict. We already heard similar words in Geneva.

My question therefore is what concrete steps can you take, because the experts all say that Moscow holds the key to resolving the conflict. How can you influence people in eastern Ukraine, the so-called separatists? What concrete steps are needed to de-escalate the conflict?

VLADIMIR PUTIN

First, the idea that Russia holds the key to resolving the problem is a trick thought up by our Western partners and does not have any grounds in reality. No sooner do our colleagues in Europe or the US drive the situation into a dead end, they always say that Moscow holds the keys to a solution and put all the responsibility on us.

The responsibility for what is happening in Ukraine now lies with the people who carried out an anti-constitutional seizure of power, a coup d’etat, and with those who supported these actions and gave them financial, political, information and other kinds of support and pushed the situation to the tragic events that took place in Odessa. It’s quite simply blood-chilling to watch the footage of those events.

Russia will take every necessary step of course and do everything within its power to settle the situation. I can understand the people in southeast Ukraine, who say that if others can do what they like in Kiev, carry out a coup d’etat, take up arms and seize government buildings, police stations and military garrisons, then why shouldn’t they be allowed to defend their interests and lawful rights? Full transcript : To be continued.

22. We support the Ukrainian people and their right to choose their own future and remain committed to uphold the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. We strongly condemn the illegal attempt to annex Crimea by Russia and do not recognise it. We reiterate the importance of Russia’s and Ukraine’s engagement in a meaningful dialogue and in this regard welcome the Statement agreed in Geneva on 17 April and the concrete actions taken so far by the Ukrainian Government in this regard. We call on Russia to take concrete action in support of the Geneva accord and to refrain from any steps to further destabilise Ukraine. We underscore that the door remains open to a diplomatic resolution of this crisis, while prepared to take further measures as appropriate, in line with relevant G7 statements, to deal with new developments. We stand by the Ukrainian government in its efforts to stabilise Ukraine and undertake reforms, including through assistance. We welcome the Ukrainian government’s commitment to ensure that governmental structures are inclusive and reflect regional diversity and to provide full protection of the rights of persons belonging to national minorities. We strongly support the holding of free and fair presidential elections on 25 May in Ukraine.

23. We reiterate our commitment to supporting the transformation of other Eastern European partner countries towards sustainable democracies and market economies. We will continue to coordinate our respective action in support of the modernisation of these countries in the context of the EU’s Eastern Partnership. We will also further cooperation regarding other parts of the EU’s neighbourhood, such as the Western Balkans and on the Black Sea. (Joint Statement – EU-Japan)

While discussing the situation in Europe, we both reiterated our support for the Ukrainian people and their right to choose their own future, as well as our rejection of Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol. We equally expressed deep concern about the situation in eastern Ukraine and Odessa. We call on Russia to refrain from any steps to further destabilise Ukraine and instead to engage in a diplomatic resolution of the crisis.

The EU is grateful for Japan’s solidarity and its political and financial support to Ukraine. We will continue to coordinate our positions, including as regards sanctions, within the Group of 7. Further steps in destabilising Ukraine will call for additional sanctions. The EU is ready to take decisions, if needed.(EU President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy)

Ukraine has of course been subject of our discussions. I will not repeat what President Van Rompuy just said, I fully agree with these remarks. Let me just highlight some areas where the European Commission is developing its work.

We are determined to help Ukraine, and to make sure that Ukraine has all the support it needs, in the short- and long- term, to undertake the political and economic reforms that are necessary for the country, with the common objective of an independent, stable and democratic Ukraine.

This will be the main subject of the meeting that the European Commission will hold with the Ukrainian Government, led by Prime Minister Yatseniuk, in Brussels, on Tuesday next week.

Energy security is one of the key issues for Ukraine right know. A few days ago, I attended the signature of the Memorandum of Understanding enabling gas flows from Slovakia to Ukraine. This was an important first step to diversify Ukraine’s sources of gas supply and it can contribute to greater energy security in Eastern Europe and the EU as a whole. It shows the EU’s strong commitment in support of Ukraine’s energy sector.

And last week, at my proposal, European Commissioner for Energy, Günther Oettinger held a first trilateral exchange of views with his Ukrainian and Russian counterparts dedicated to security of gas supply and transit from Russia via Ukraine. They discussed how to best ensure continued gas supplies and transit including concerns about the outstanding debt of Ukraine and the gas price for supplies to Ukraine. They also discussed methods to increase transparency and reliability of gas flows and gas storage as well as ways to ensure the modernisation of the Ukrainian gas market and the gas transmission system.

I would like to thank Japan for the coordinated actions we have been taking regarding Ukraine in the framework of the G7 group. And a special word of thanks to the Prime Minister, because of his personal commitment. (EU Commission President Barroso) More on EU – Japan Summit.

Much greater effort needed from all sides towards peaceful resolution

6 May 2014 – GENEVA (6 May 2014) – UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay on Tuesday expressed deep concern about the surge in violence in Ukraine, which is resulting in more and more deaths and destruction.

“I urge all sides to make a much greater effort to find a peaceful resolution to the current crisis, especially in the various towns in eastern and southern Ukraine that have been racked by increasingly violent confrontations,” she said.

“Armed opposition groups must stop all illegal actions, including detaining people and seizing public buildings in violation of Ukraine’s laws and Constitution. These organized and well-armed groups should lay down their weapons, free arbitrarily detained persons, and vacate occupied public and administrative buildings.”
Pillay also called on the Government to ensure that military and police operations are undertaken in line with international standards.

“It is extremely important that the authorities themselves demonstrate full respect for the rule of law and scrupulously protect the human rights of all, including the Russian-speaking population,” the High Commissioner said.

She stressed the need for the authorities to carry out prompt, transparent and comprehensive investigations into the events in Odessa and Donetsk regions that led to the deaths of dozens of people in recent days, including the fire in the trade union building in Odessa last Friday in which more than 40 people are believed to have died.

“Inclusive and participatory dialogue needs, as a matter of urgency, to be undertaken at all levels to de-escalate tensions and prevent further violence,” Pillay said. “Leaders at national and local levels need to take serious steps to halt the rhetoric of hatred and confrontation, before the situation spirals totally out of control.”
“Genuine peaceful demonstrations must be permitted, both as a matter of international law and as a release valve for people’s legitimate fears and frustrations,” she added. “Policing should facilitate such assemblies while ensuring the protection of participants, irrespective of their political views.”

Pillay also emphasised the need to create an environment where freedom of expression and opinion are fully respected, condemning all attacks on, and harassment of, journalists.

“All sides must allow journalists space to work,” she said. “This is a key element in ending the increasing misinformation, disinformation and hate speech that has been colouring conflicting narratives and fuelling the development of artificial, destructive and deeply dangerous divisions between communities.”
Pillay added that journalists themselves should make strenuous efforts to be objective, and to avoid incitement.
She also noted that very little time remains before the elections on 25 May, which represent the best opportunity for Ukraine to begin the process of reconciliation and stabilization.

The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights currently has a monitoring mission of 34 staff based in five locations, and is due to publish its next report on the human rights situation in Ukraine on 15 May. Source.

Remarks With EU High Representative Lady Catherine Ashton After Their Meeting

Secretary Kerry:

In the weeks since Lady Ashton and I met in Geneva, along with the Ukrainian foreign minister and the Russian foreign minister, we have been, it is fair to say, nothing less than disappointed to see Russia to fail to live up to the very plain and simple, easy-to-interpret commitments that were made in Geneva. And I’ll reiterate: The agreement that we made in Geneva, it really isn’t vague and it’s not open to some loose interpretation. It was simple, it was specific, and it outlined concrete steps that all of the parties had to take. Ukraine’s government, literally before the ink was dry, started to implement on that agreement. And they have held up their end of the bargain.

Ukraine has shown remarkable restraint. Almost immediately coming out of that meeting in Geneva, they ordered a cessation of any kind of counterterrorism activity, any effort to remove people from buildings based on the notion that both sides were going to work to bring people out of those buildings. And the fact is that they have been committed in Kyiv to trying to move their country forward through nonviolence, through constitutional reform, through dialogue, and by reaching out to the disaffected parts of Ukraine.

We also are very concerned about efforts of pro-Russian separatists in Donetsk, in Luhansk to organize, frankly, a contrived, bogus independence referendum on May 11th. We flatly reject this illegal effort to further divide Ukraine, and its pursuit will create even more problems in the effort to try to de-escalate the situation. This is really the Crimea playbook all over again, and no civilized nation is going to recognize the results of such a bogus effort.

As President Obama has made clear, if Russian elements continue to sabotage the democratic process and prevent Ukraine from holding a free and fair election 19 days from now on the 25th, then we stand ready to implement additional sanctions. And the “we” is Europe and the United States together. I know the European Union is strong in its commitment to do this, and I think the high representative will address meetings that are shortly going to be held next week in furtherance of our common goals here.

We are not going to sit idly by while Russian elements fan the flames of instability, instead of fulfilling the commitments that we made. Look, we came together, and we came together in a real spirit of trying to de-escalate. And we weren’t playing a game. We laid down some very specific steps that could be taken, and immediately, the Government of Ukraine, in good faith, undertook to implement those steps, including removing barricades from the Maidan in Kyiv, removing people from buildings, as well as reaching out to make clear to the people of Ukraine how decentralization could take place to give more power to those people in places that were disaffected. Regrettably, that was not met with reciprocity, and reciprocity is one of the things that we discussed very clearly in Geneva.

I must add also that it’s very hard to reconcile that Russia is now making the argument that Ukraine ought to reduce – not have an election or postpone an election because of the violence that’s taking place, but Russia is full, whole-hog behind having an election in Syria where there is far worse violence. Reconcile that one for us, please.

So the choice is really Russia’s. The United States, the EU, and our allies have made our choice very, very clear: We are going to stand together united not just in support of Ukraine, but united in support of de-escalating; united in support of a peaceful, diplomatic solution; united in recognition that, yes, there are historic and cultural and other ties between Russia and Ukraine, but the way to assert them is at the diplomatic negotiating table, not at the end of a gun. And we believe that we will also stand together in the effort to try to de-escalate this situation.

Next week, I will meet in London with our European counterparts in order to discuss what the appropriate next steps will be.

I also want to underscore that Lady Ashton and I applaud the commitment and the courage of the monitors of the OSCE. We’re deeply appreciative of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, who have put themselves in harm’s way, not on one side or the other, but on the side of a peaceful resolution, on the side of de-escalation. And they have tried to enforce compliance of the Russian-backed forces to ensure that there is a fair and reasonable approach to defining the future for all of the people of Ukraine.

We believe that the OSCE can now play an enhanced role, and right now there are efforts taking place. I talked yesterday with the OSCE chairman, President Burkhalter of Switzerland, and he is tomorrow going to be traveling to meet with President Putin. Today there were meetings. I talked yesterday also with the foreign minister of Germany, Frank Steinmeier. He today met with Foreign Minister Lavrov in Vienna, and there are further discussions taking place. I will talk with him in an hour or two from now. So there’s a lot of energy being expended to try to see if we can find a reasonable way forward here. And we support the efforts very much of this kind of diplomacy to help the Ukrainians restore law and order and improve the environment for free and fair elections on May 25th.

High Representative Lady Ashton:

Thank you. Thank you very much, Secretary Kerry, or John, as I would prefer. Thank you for your good wishes for Europe Day. I held a reception in New York last night, and it was my great pleasure to be able to see the Empire State Building lit up in the colors of the European Union of blue and yellow. It is a recognition of this incredibly important transatlantic partnership that every nation of the European Union values so highly, and for which I thank you, your predecessors, and all of your colleagues for the work that has gone on to develop it to the point where I think we are very much joined up in our thinking.

As you’ve said, we’ve talked about a range of issues. We talk a lot in between these meetings, so we cover a huge number of current concerns. And I will just pick up on the back of some of this news. You’ve said two or three of them, of which Ukraine is inevitably the highest on our agenda, and the latest news of the great concern that we have from the illegal actions by armed separatist groups is, of course, at the foremost of our attention. We want to see Russia join in in the call to see an immediate end to these actions, and that is very much, as you’ve said, in line with the discussions we had in Geneva, where we talked practically for seven hours. We talked about what this meant. There was no vagueness. There was absolute clarity in what we were trying to do – to try and find ways to begin the de-escalation. And we will continue, as the European Union, to engage fully in seeking a political solution and to stay fully behind what we said in Geneva and to find ways that we can see the implementation done by everyone.

We know, too, that Ukraine has the right to defend its territorial integrity. We understand the international obligations that it has, and we work closely with them. And as you have indicated, they have done a lot from the beginning of leaving Geneva at the end of that day to try and implement what was agreed.

I pay tribute, like you, to the OSCE, and I join the chief monitor of the special mission, who’s called upon all sides to exercise maximum restraint, to avoid bloodshed, and to solve differences peacefully. You all know that on the 28th of April we took the decision to extend the number of people subject to targeted sanctions for actions that undermine Ukraine’s territorial integrity, sovereignty, and independence. Any further steps that destabilize the situation in Ukraine would lead to additional and far-reaching consequences for our relations in a broad range of areas.

Like you, too, we are focused on the elections and the importance of free and fair presidential elections. This is a really important step in the stabilization of Ukraine. It’s about democracy. It’s an opportunity, too, for there to be a legitimate and broad debate on the future of Ukraine and to engage with people who do want to talk about how that future should be – peacefully working together, and to take this opportunity to be able to do that. We, of course, will continue as well with our assistance package, which, as you know, will bring in overall support of about 11 billion euros over time.

Question:

Why wait to impose tougher sanctions given that Vladimir Putin has shown no sign of desisting despite the sanctions that have already been imposed?

Secretary Kerry:

With respect to – I’ll comply with whatever responsibilities we have. And with respect to the question of tougher sanctions and sanctions, what we are doing is having a major impact. Nobody should doubt that. The bonds in Russia are already just above junk bonds in categorization, and they’ve had to postpone a number of sales of bonds. The economy is already on the downward decline. The IMF has already declared that it’s in recession. Their growth was going to be about 1.3 percent; it’s now prospected to be perhaps .1 or 2 percent, minimal, and we have only yet begun, if we have to. And I think there’s no question. But it is important for the United States and Europe to try to move together in this. We believe that. And so that requires a certain element of preparation, coordination. You have to do the right paperwork, the right examination. You have to pull your teams together. And we are proceeding, I think, in a very effective and authoritative way.

We’ve made it very clear – President Obama and Chancellor Merkel had a meeting the other day. And they said clearly that if there are interference or continued interference, if there is continued interference with respect to the election and election process, there will be more sanctions that this time will start to bite into the sectors of the economy. And those become even more compelling than what has been put on the table to this point.

But obviously, when you’re trying to keep a door open to be able to find some kind of a diplomatic solution, when the other party says they’re willing to come to the table and actually engage in that discussion, it seems to me reasonable to try to do that. And I think most people in most places want a responsible government, not to escalate to the point of creating an inevitable confrontation, but rather to find out if there’s a way to be able to find that diplomatic solution. That’s what diplomacy is about. There’s no question about our ability, when we want to, to be able to put sanctions in place that are even more biting than what we have today. But you have to ask yourself if the price has been (inaudible) ahead of time, whether or not that invites something further that you don’t want to have happen.

So there’s a delicate mix here, and I think President Obama has calibrated this extremely effectively. It’s having a biting effect, and we will continue to proceed in unity with our European allies to do what we think has the greatest impact and the most effect.

High Representative Lady Ashton:

I mean, I have nothing much more to add, except to say that from the perspective of what the European Union is doing, it is this desire to see a way to find a method of de-escalation. And that was what Geneva was about. It’s why we put on hold measures that we were considering, because that’s, as you said, is what you do. When we saw that we were not getting the results from Geneva, we pressed the start button again and we’ve continued with those measures. And we’re looking at all of the possibilities. It’s a mix of things that you want to do to try and create the circumstances that will lead to the most important thing, which is stopping the violence, for people to stop occupying the buildings, and to get the kind of discussion, debate, and democratic approach that will lead Ukraine into its future. And so you have to consider all of the ways in which that can be done.

I will be bringing together the 28 foreign ministers on Monday. They will be discussing all of the elements of that approach, working very closely with our colleagues in the United States, in order to see how we can best do that. And it’s why countries like Germany, like others, obviously, engaging and talking as well as looking at what we might do as a coordinated effort, and I really hope that we’re successful in that.

Question:

Some people have the impression that for the U.S. sanctions – or, let’s say, punishment or isolation of Mr. Putin is the most important goal. And I have a perception that Europe seems to be reluctant to pursue this policy. And my question to both of you is: We have (inaudible) that Putin is a problem, but in what respect could he be also part of a solution? And today, did you discuss the option of a neutral Ukraine that would possibly satisfy Putin and might be acceptable for the Western countries?

High Representative Lady Ashton:

On Ukraine, it’s for the people of Ukraine to decide what Ukraine is and will be, and they will consider very carefully where they sit in the world. I’ve said whenever I visited Ukraine, when I met with the then-President Yanukovych and in more recent times, that it’s not about a competition between Europe and Russia for a nation, that Ukraine will want strong and good economic links with Russia. And we recognize that that’s important. This is never and never should be about this idea of a competition.

For us, it’s always about trying to find now the way forward, as I’ve already indicated, to find the formula that’s going to help to de-escalate the situation, to talk with everybody and to keep all the doors open while being very clear that the situation cannot continue as it is.

Question:

And may I ask, how far could Putin be part of a solution concerning the Ukraine crisis?

High Representative Lady Ashton:

Well, President Putin is president of Russia, and Russia is playing a role at the moment. So the question for Russia is: If you take what I’ve just said about the fact that Ukraine as a nation needs to have a good relationship with all of its neighbors, then you need to start looking at how, from Russia’s perspective, they’re going to define that. And defining that for me is about strong economic links. Yes, there are strong historical links, and yes, there needs to be a way in which they can be peacefully co-existing side by side. And I hope that President Putin might consider that that is the way forward.

Secretary Kerry:

With respect to your question on President Putin, there’s no observer of Russia, there is no one engaged in diplomacy today who doesn’t understand that President Putin is calling the shots in Russia, that a very narrow group of people around him are advising him in one way or the other. But President Putin is almost exclusively, if not exclusively calling the shots.

There is no specific effort by the United States of America to somehow single him out other than to respond to the fact that in his name, Russia has deployed its forces, engaged in direct activities involved first in Crimea, now in east and south of Ukraine, in ways that are destabilizing that country, and still has 40,000-plus or so troops lined up on the border in a place that it didn’t have them before they began to move into Crimea.

Now, what we are trying to do is not targeted on him because we have some personal thing or something about him. It’s because he’s making decisions that are adversely affecting the region and the rights of the people of Ukraine to choose their future and to have their sovereignty respected. We have only one interest in this. That is the stability and respect for Ukraine, its integrity and its sovereignty, and the opportunity of the people of Ukraine to choose their future. That’s our interest. And we are not seeking alignment; we’re not seeking anything except this universal value that is respected around the world for the right of people to not be bludgeoned at the butt of a gun, or with military invasion, to be told what to do.

Now, we believe that it’s appropriate for us to respond in response to the legitimate demands of a government that was voted on even by the former supporters of President Yanukovych, who deserted the country of his own free will, and made a decision not to live up to the agreement that he signed back in February. And the parliament, with his own party’s support, voted him out and provided for an interim government and called for elections. Now, what could be more sensible than to allow this country under siege to be able to have an election where they give legitimacy to a new government by having all of the people be able to vote? That’s all people are looking for here. It seems to me that it shouldn’t be so complicated for Russia to be able to engage in that process.

And we respect that Russia has a long historical connection to Ukraine, and that Kyiv is the home – the birthplace of Russian religion, and that wars of liberation have been fought on that territory. And we understand the connection and the strong feelings about protection of people who – Russian-speaking and so forth. We’re not – nobody’s arguing against that, though. The fact is that the interim government of Ukraine is prepared to respect the Russian language, prepared to respect the greater autonomy for people in that region, to give them – frankly, the people – the Government of Ukraine has offered to give the people in south and east Ukraine more power over their own lives on an everyday basis than Russia gives any individual state or province in Russia. That’s a fact.

And so the answer is that what we think is important here is that the rights of the people be respected. And Lady Ashton’s correct: They have to choose their future. But they have said they are not seeking alignment. They’ve said they’re not looking for NATO membership. And NATO and those of us who are members have said we’re prepared to respect the choice of the interim government and whatever future government of Ukraine there is.

Final comment: We have said again and again to the Russians – and I hope they hear it again today – we are not seeking for a Ukraine that belongs to some other part of the world, but only – we want one that just belongs to Ukraine. And we’re not seeking one that is a pawn between East and West. We’d like Ukraine to be a bridge between East and West. And we certainly agree with President Putin’s vision that we could have an economic arrangement that goes from Vladivostok to Lisbon that involves everybody in a major market where everybody benefits.

So there’s more to talk about than unfortunately some of the heated rhetoric has given people a sense of. And our hope is that – that’s why we pursue these discussions, is to see if we can’t find a way to make those interests meet the moment and find a way forward that de-escalates this confrontation. Full transcript. as Syria, Nigeria, Europe…

Countering Russian Intervention and Supporting a Democratic State

I want to express my deep appreciation to the members of this committee for the bipartisan support you have shown to Ukraine and its people since this crisis began. The Senate’s passage of the U.S. loan guarantee legislation sent a strong signal of America’s support. And the visits that so many of you have made to Ukraine reinforce America’s bipartisan solidarity with the Ukrainian people during this critical time.

When Assistant Secretary Chollet and I testified before the Subcommittee on European Affairs on April 10, I outlined four pillars of U.S. policy to address the challenges in Ukraine. Let me re-state them again briefly. First, the United States is supporting Ukraine with financial, technical and non-lethal security assistance as it prepares for democratic Presidential elections on May 25th, and works to protect a peaceful, secure, prosperous and unified future for its people. Second, we are stepping up our effort to reassure our NATO allies—an area that DASD Farkas will address in detail— and we are providing support to other “front-line” states like Moldova and Georgia. Third, we are steadily raising the economic costs for Russia’s occupation and illegal annexation of Crimea and its continuing efforts to destabilize eastern and southern Ukraine; Assistant Secretary Glaser will address the sanctions we’ve imposed and what’s next. And fourth, we are working with Ukraine and our European partners to leave the door open for diplomatic de-escalation should Russia change course, and make a serious effort to implement its April 17 Geneva commitments.

Today, I want to focus my remarks on events since the April 17th meeting in Geneva and on the crucial 19 days from now until the May 25th Presidential elections in Ukraine. First, I will provide an update on the Geneva Joint Statement’s implementation and events on the ground in eastern and southern Ukraine. Second, I will address how the United States and the international community are working with Ukraine to protect the May 25th elections even as Russia refuses to recognize the Ukrainian government’s legitimacy and Russian agents and surrogates sow mayhem and separatism from Slovyansk to Odesa. Finally, I want to speak about the other victim of President Putin’s policies – the Russian people.

First, a quick reminder about the commitments made in Geneva. At its core, it is a grand bargain that offers amnesty for those who vacate seized buildings and deep, broad decentralization of power to Ukraine’s regions through national dialogue and constitutional reform, as the other half of Geneva is implemented: an end to violence, intimidation, the seizing of buildings and weapons, with both parts overseen and facilitated by the OSCE.

The Ukrainian government began implementing its part of Geneva even before the ink was dry on the text of the Joint Statement. The day after Geneva, the government of Ukraine sent a draft amnesty bill to the Rada, and that bill would be law now if it had not been blocked by the Communists and the Party of Regions. Authorities in Kyiv dismantled barricades and opened streets. Maidan activists peacefully vacated the Kyiv city administration building. President Turchinov and Prime Minister Yatsenyuk made speeches confirming their commitment to decentralize an unprecedented amount of political and economic authority to Ukraine’s regions through constitutional reform and to protect language rights, in offers far more sweeping than any Moscow affords its own regions and citizens. On April 14th and 29th, the constitutional reform commission held public conferences to which all the regions were invited. Ukrainian security forces instituted an Easter pause in their operations in eastern Ukraine, and sent senior officials out with the OSCE teams to Donetsk, Slovyansk, Luhansk and other embattled cities to try to talk separatists into pursuing their aims politically rather than through violence.

In contrast, Russia fulfilled none of its commitments—none, zero. After we left Geneva, no one in Moscow at any level even issued a public statement calling for buildings and checkpoints in eastern Ukraine to be vacated and weapons turned in. Russia declined a request by the OSCE to send senior representatives to eastern Ukraine to insist on separatist compliance with Geneva. In fact, separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk told OSCE observers that they had had no messages at all from Russia urging them to stand down.

Instead, since April 17th, all the efforts of the Ukrainian side and of the OSCE, have been met with more violence, mayhem, kidnappings, torture and death. Pro-Russia separatists have seized at least 35 buildings and 3 TV/radio centers in 24 towns. Armed and organized Russian agents – sometimes described as “little green men” – appeared in cities and towns across Donetsk and into Luhansk. At least 22 kidnappings have been attributed to pro-Russia separatists – including the 8 Vienna Document inspectors and their Ukrainian escorts who have now been released after 8 days as hostages. The bodies of three Ukrainians have been found near Slovyansk all bearing the signs of torture. Peaceful rallies have been beset by armed separatist thugs. Roma families have fled Slovyansk under extreme duress. As the violence grew, the United States and the EU imposed more sanctions at the end of April. On Friday, the Ukrainian government announced that separatists used MANPADs to shoot down a Ukrainian helicopter, killing the pilots. And Friday also saw the deadliest tragedy of this conflict: the death of more than 40 in Odesa following an afternoon of violent clashes reportedly instigated by pro-Russian separatists attacking an initially peaceful rally in favor of national unity – similar to many that have happened in Odessa since the start of the Maidan movement.

Today, Russia claims it has “no influence” over the separatists and provocateurs rampaging in eastern and southern Ukraine. In Odesa, it should come as no surprise that the Ukrainian authorities report that those arrested for igniting the violence included people whose papers indicate that they come from Transnistria, the Crimea region of Ukraine, and Russia. As Secretary Kerry told this committee in April, we continue to have high confidence that Russia’s hand is behind this instability. They are providing material support. They are providing funding. They are providing weapons. They are providing coordination, and there are Russians agents on the ground in Ukraine involved in this.

Equally worrying, today from Slovyansk to Odesa the playbook is identical to what we saw in Crimea: first you create upheaval in towns that were completely peaceful just 2 months before, then you intimidate the local population, and hold bogus independence referenda on 2 weeks’ notice, as have just been declared for May 11 in the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk Peoples’ Republics. And we all remember what came next in Crimea: Russian “peace-keepers” swarmed in to “protect” the will of the voters. Just as we do not accept Russia’s declared need for these so-called “peace-keepers” in Crimea, we will not accept any unilateral decision to deploy unsanctioned Russian “peace-keepers” to eastern or southern Ukraine. Russia’s military intervention in Ukraine thus far is a clear violation of international law, and Russia fools no one by calling its troops “peace-keepers.” Russia has a track record of using the term “peacekeeping” as a cover for occupation and unlawful military intervention without authorization from the UN Security Council and without the consent of the host government.

And yet, the pro-Russia separatists do not speak for the population of eastern and southern Ukraine. More than two-thirds of Ukrainians in the east report they plan to vote in the May 25 elections. They don’t want little green men or separatists or Moscow preventing them from making their choice freely. And with more than 20 candidates running, representing every viewpoint and every region in Ukraine, these elections offer a real democratic choice. That is why the United States, Europe and the international community are working so hard with the Ukrainian government to ensure free, fair elections take place across Ukraine, and in alternate locations for Crimeans, and if needed in eastern towns where that might be necessary, too.

In March, the OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) deployed 100 long-term election observers to 26 locations around Ukraine to monitor the lead-up to the election and help ensure the country’s electoral process meets the highest international standards. An interim report from ODIHR on April 17 noted that the Central Election Commission had met all deadlines thus far, and that technical preparations were proceeding. For the first time in a presidential election, Ukraine’s 36 million voters can review their registration details online. All told, ODIHR is preparing to deploy 1,000 observers throughout the country to monitor the elections in the largest monitoring effort in the organization’s history. The United States will provide approximately one tenth of the observers, and 26 other OSCE states are also contributing. These 1,000 ODIHR observers will be joined by more than 100 members of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, including some of your colleagues here on the Hill.

The United States is also working bilaterally to support free, fair and informed elections. We have allocated $11.4 million for non-partisan activities to improve the integrity of these elections, including efforts to support voter education and civic participation; assist the Central Electoral Commission administer the elections effectively and transparently; foster linkages between political parties and civil society; support election security; and help to guarantee a diverse, balanced and policy-focused media environment. We are supporting 255 long-term observers and over 3330 short-term observers, some of whom will provide a parallel vote tabulation (PVT).

Free, fair elections on May 25th are the best route to political and economic stability in Ukraine. From Lviv to the Maidan to Odesa to Donetsk, the Ukrainian people want and deserve the right to determine their own future. Those who claim to be their protectors should stand up for the ballot box if they truly want the eastern Ukraine’s voices heard in the political process rather than dictating to them through the barrels of guns or barricades of burning tires. In this regard, it is more than ironic that today Moscow asserts that both the interim government and the May 25th elections are illegitimate. It makes you wonder if Moscow is afraid to allow the Ukrainian people to participate in an election that is going to afford them far more choice than any in recent Russian history. And as President Obama stated, “the Russian leadership must know that if it continues to destabilize eastern Ukraine and disrupt this month’s elections, we will move quickly on additional steps, including further sanctions that will impose greater costs.”

Finally, as we work to empower the Ukrainian people to determine their future democratically, we must acknowledge that the people of Russia are being cheated of their democratic rights. The Russian government’s reckless actions in Ukraine have districted the world’s attention from a new clamp down on civil society in Russia. Just since the Sochi Olympics, the Russian government has taken new aggressive steps to tighten control of the media, curb dissent, criminalize free expression on the internet, and to trample on human rights. Putin’s formula is simple: intervention abroad, repression at home.

The Russian economy is already showing that this model doesn’t lead to a great Russia; it leads to a broke one. Russia’s credit rating is hovering just above “junk” status. $51 billion in capital has fled Russia since the beginning of the year, approaching the $60 billion figure for all of 2013. Russian bonds are trading at higher yields than any debt in Europe. As the ruble has fallen, the Central Bank has raised interest rates twice and has spent close to $30 billion from its reserves to stabilize it. Unless Putin changes course, at some point in the not-too-distant future, the current nationalistic fever will break in Russia. When it does, it will give way to a sweaty and harsh realization of the economic costs. Then, if they are free enough to think for themselves, Russia’s citizens will ask: What have we really achieved? Instead of funding schools, hospitals, science and prosperity at home in Russia, we have squandered our national wealth on adventurism, interventionism and the ambitions of a leader who cares more about empire than his own citizens.

But it doesn’t have to be this way. Russia can still step back from supporting separatism and violence and do the right thing. Working closely with the Ukrainians, the OSCE, and key European governments including Germany, we are once again supporting a diplomatic path forward – a rejuvenation of the Geneva agreement: amnesty for separatists and real political reform through elections and constitutional change in exchange for the peace, security and unity across Ukraine that these require. A Russia that truly cares about the fate of the ethnic Russians in Ukraine and the people of eastern Ukraine, let alone its own citizens, will work with us on this. A Russia that doesn’t will face a tightening grip of political and economic isolation from the international community.

Since 1992, we have provided $20 billion to Russia to support pursuit of transition to the peaceful, prosperous, democratic state its people deserve. We are not seeking to punish Russia. We support the rights of all individuals—those of Russians and Ukrainians, alike—to have a clean, open, accountable government rooted in democracy and rule of law.

In 19 days, the Ukrainian people will have the opportunity to make that choice. As Vice President Biden said during his visit to Kyiv, “This may be the most important election in the history of Ukraine. This is a chance to make good on the aspirations of the overwhelming majority of Ukrainians east and west and every part of this country.”

It is in the U.S. national security interest that the May 25th presidential election reflects the will of Ukraine’s 45 million people. We stand united with the overwhelming majority of the international community – in the G7, in NATO, in the OSCE, in the UN General Assembly, in the Council of Europe— in support of Ukraine’s democratic choice. The stakes could not be higher – for Ukrainian democracy, for European stability and for the future of a rules-based international order. Victoria Nuland – Assistant Secretary, Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs (Testimony)

The true effects of American involvement

By Peter Trevenen – As the crisis in Ukraine escalates, and America’s involvement becomes more apparent, it is difficult to avoid looking to the past for omens of what is to come. This situation, after all, is not unique. The United States has considered itself the world’s guardian and liberator since World War II, where its contribution was welcome and necessary. Since then, though, the American government has frequently involved itself in political situations where it was decidedly unnecessary, and where its influence has been anything but welcome.

Take Nicaragua, for example. In 1979, the Sandanista Junta of National Reconstruction took power to try and mend the nation’s crippling corruption via an uprising of the people (not dissimilar to the current uprisings in East Ukrainian cities.) They began instituting a variety of policies aimed at reconstituting the impoverished, disenfranchised Nicaraguan populace, and sought to create a freer, more democratic nation. Their policies would have been successful as well, had it not been for the influence of one of the world’s superpowers: the United States. The Reagan administration, terrified that the Sandanista’s liberal views would evolve into communist views, began a campaign to end the Junta. The course they chose to achieve this, however, serves as a reminder of the startling lengths the United States government will go to to achieve their ideological or political goals, or to neutralize perceived threats.

In a move that bodes poorly for the East Ukrainian activists, the United States began a pattern of state-sponsored terrorism, gross human rights violations, breaches in international law, and economic destruction. The “contras,” as the anti-Sandanista insurgents were called, received weapons, training and money from the US Central Intelligence Agency. Not only that, but this support continued even as reports began to flow in of human rights abuses and massive civilian casualties caused by the contra insurgents, and despite a Congressional ban on US support for the cause. In “The Contras’ Litany of Destruction,” and article published in the UK newspaper The Guardian, reporters Jonathan Steele and Tony Jenkins covered the story of one Sandanista militiaman and his experiences with the contra insurgency. Continue.

Why the West Is Weak on Russia

By Tom Keatinge – ver the past few days, as Russia has proved unwilling to live up to the terms of the April 17 Geneva agreement on Ukraine, Western nations have ramped up their condemnation of the country. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry accused Moscow of “distraction, deception, and destabilization” for backing ethnic Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine. Meanwhile, the G-7 (formerly the G-8, before Russia was ousted earlier this year) rebuked the country for taking “no concrete actions in support of the Geneva accord” and threatened to impose additional sanctions, which, according to British Foreign Secretary William Hague, would be “more far reaching” than any before.

In the event, those far-reaching sanctions fell short. To be sure, a few powerful and well-connected individuals have recently been added to the West’s economic blacklist, but there is little chance that this latest round will do much damage. The West has the weapons for meaningful financial warfare, so why is it being so shy about using them?

As has been widely reported, the Russian economy is in dire straits. In 2013, Russian GDP growth slowed for a fourth consecutive year to a mere 1.3 percent. Now, as capital flees the country — in the first part of the year, withdrawals have been as high as $60 billion, equal to the total in 2013 — the economy is likely flatlining. S&P has downgraded Russia’s sovereign foreign currency rating to just one notch above junk, Russia has cancelled government bond sales, its Central Bank has imposed two unexpected rate hikes to stabilize the ruble, and international banks are increasingly declining to provide loans to Russian state banks and businesses. Continue.

The conflict’s finale is totally unpredictable

by Alexey Malashenko – Wednesday, May 7, 2014/The Ukrainian developments are far from over. The crisis in Ukraine will be a lengthy ordeal which will affect Russia’s foreign policy for quite some time. It will also impact the situation inside the country, which is especially important.

Thanks to his active and successful performance on the Ukrainian stage, President Vladimir Putin has elevated his approval ratings to unprecedented heights. According to a March VCIOM (Russian Public Opinion Research Center) poll, Putin would get 64 percent of the vote if elections were to take place today; 93 percent of the respondents support the annexation of Crimea. Having consolidated most of society around himself, Putin looks like a national hero, the “gatherer of Russian lands,” and is now basking in his glory, believing his charisma will never fade.

He has rid himself of the opposition, which disappeared from the political stage in the course of Ukrainian events. Alexei Navalny, who was cast for the role of the opposition leader and the President’s main opponent last fall, no longer seems interesting. The public protest movement has evaporated, and the repeat of the mass rallies of 2011, which begot so many hopes for change in the country, is no longer possible.

The Russian president has appropriated nationalist sentiments, turning them entirely (…) Continue.

Crime in Odessa

by Thierry Meyssan – 7 May 2014/ What really happened in the Trade Unions House in Odessa on May 2? The new authorities in Kiev claim that a clash between anti- and pro-Russians degenerated and 38 people were killed in a fire. But the available photos and footage tell a different story.

Western version has in the meantime lost all credibility. Certain Ukrainian sites have pointed out that, although pro-Kiev hooligans did indeed attack the police on the sidelines of the football match and beat up many pro-Federalists, no pitched battle between the two groups took place. Read more.

Washington ve Ukrayna’daki kukla yönetim Odessa’da yeni bir faşist katliam hazırlıyor

Alex Lantier – 7 Mayıs 2014 (İngilizce’den çeviri)/ Kentte, önümüzdeki günlerde aşırı sağcı Musevi karşıtı şiddetin patlayacağına ilişkin yaygın bir kaygı olduğuna ilişkin haberler geliyor. Ulusal Muhafız birlikleri, Cuma günkü katliama ilişkin artan kitlesel öfkenin ortasında, dün sokaklarda devriye gezmeye başladı.

Odessa sakinleri, polis tarafından gözaltına alınmış Rusya yanlısı protestocuların serbest bırakılması için düzenlenen Pazar günkü kitlesel gösterinin ardından, yakılmış olan Sendikalar Binası’nın dışına katliam kurbanlarını anmak için çiçekler bırakmaya dün de devam ettiler. Odessalı bir öğretmen olan Nadezhda Yelençuk, AP haber ajansına, “Bu, tüm Ukrayna için bir trajedidir” dedi ve ekledi: “Bu, Ukrayna’da başlamış olan iç savaşın bir sonucudur.”

Her şey, Kiev yönetimi ile onun ABD’li ve Avrupalı destekleyicilerinin, kenti boyun eğmeye zorlamak için yıldırmaya yönelik bir diğer faşist vahşet hazırladığına işaret ediyor. Sağ Sektör gibi, Musevi Soykırımı sırasında Naziler ile işbirliği yapmış Ukraynalı faşistleri açıkça öven güçlerin varlığı karşısında, özellikle Odessa’daki 30.000 dolayındaki (Ukrayna’daki en büyük) Musevi topluluğu içinde derin bir kaygı söz konusu.

Jerusalem Post gazetesine konuşan çok sayıda topluluk önderi, Museviler’i kentten çıkartmaya hazırlandıklarını söyledi. Yetimhaneler ve okullar işleten ve kentteki yaşlılara sosyal hizmet sağlayan Tikva örgütünün başındaki Haham Refael Kruskal, Sağ sektör güçleri ile futbol holiganları tarafından Cuma günü gerçekleşen katliamın ardından aldıkları önlemlerden söz etti.
Kruskal, Jerusalem Post’a, “Hafta sonunda Sinagog’u kapalı tuttuk. Tüm öğrencileri, şiddet eylemlerinin olduğu kent merkezinden uzaklaştırdık. Çünkü şiddetin yayılacağından korktuk. Topluluk üyesi herkese, WhatsApp üzerinden, hafta sonu boyunca evlerinde kalmaları mesajı ilettik.” dedi.

Kruskal, sözlerine, Sovyetler Birliği’nin ve müttefiklerin II. Dünya Savaşı’nın sonunda Nazi Almanyası karşısında elde etmiş olduğu zaferin geleneksel anma törenlerinin yapıldığı 9 Mayıs’ta (bu Cuma), Odessa’da kapsamlı şiddet olayları yaşanmasını beklediğini ekledi: “Gelecek hafta çok şiddetli olacak.” Tamamı.

Russia and the Silk Road Approach

by Ana Palacio – The unraveling of Ukraine has brought to the fore three major foreign policy challenges for the West: the danger of isolating Russia, the conundrum of China’s aloofness, and the pervasive lack of fresh ideas. Surmounting them will require a concerted drive to enhance cooperation and build trust among countries with disparate political systems and national interests. Chinese President Xi Jinping’s Silk Road economic belt could contribute to such an effort.

Europe and the United States’ response to the crisis in Ukraine has failed in two respects. First and foremost, it has been anemic, projecting an image of weakness that undermines its ability to reverse Russia’s annexation of Crimea, which has been tacitly accepted, or counter its aggressive behavior toward eastern Ukraine. At the same time, the use of targeted sanctions and diplomatic snubs has contributed to Russia’s international isolation, undercutting the long-term goal of building a functional relationship.

While it is critical for the West to stand by its principles, including by imposing biting sanctions, pragmatism is equally important. After all, a weak, isolated Russia is far more dangerous than a strong, internationally integrated one. And yet there can be no denying that the relationship with Russia is now broken, with mutual trust having reached its lowest point since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

In this context, bringing Russia back (…) Full analysis.

The IMF goes to war in Ukraine

By Pepe ESCOBAR – Wed, May 7, 2014/ The IMF has approved a $17 billion loan to Ukraine. The first $3,2 billion tranche has been received today.

It’s essential to identify the conditions attached to this Mafia-style “loan.” Nothing remotely similar to reviving the Ukrainian economy is in play. The scheme is inextricably linked to the IMF’s notorious, one-size-fits-all “structural adjustment” policy, known to hundreds of millions from Latin America and Southeast Asia to Southern Europe.

The regime changers in Kiev have duly complied, launching the inevitable austerity package – from tax hikes and frozen pensions to a stiff, over 50 percent rise on the price of natural gas heating Ukrainian homes. The “Ukrainian people” won’t be able to pay their utility bills this coming winter.

Predictably, the massive loan is not for the benefit of “the Ukrainian people.” Kiev is essentially bankrupt. Creditors range from Western banks to Gazprom – which is owed no less than $2.7 billion. The “loan” will pay back these creditors; not to mention that $5 billion of the total is earmarked for payments of – what else – previous IMF loans. It goes without saying that a lot of the funds will be duly pocketed – Afghanistan-style – by the current bunch of oligarchs aligned with the “Yats” government in Kiev.

The IMF has already warned that Ukraine is in recession and may need an extension of the $17 billion loan. IMF newspeak qualifies it as “a significant recalibration of the program.” This will happen, according to the IMF, if Kiev loses control of Eastern and Southern Ukraine – something already in progress.

Eastern Ukraine is the country’s industrial heartland – with the highest GDP per capita and home of key factories and mines, mostly in the Donetsk region, which happens to be largely mobilized against the neo-fascist/neo-nazi-aligned regime changers in Kiev. If the current conflagration persists, this means both industrial exports and tax revenues will go down.

So here’s the IMF prescription for the oligarch bunch – some of them actively financing Right Sector militias: As long as you’re facing a popular rebellion in Eastern and Southern Ukraine, relax; you will get additional IMF cash further on down the road. Talk about a crash course in disaster capitalism. Continue.

Political Leaders Must Act to Stop Civil War in Ukraine

Brussels, 7 May 2014 (ITUC OnLine): With the imminent risk that the violence in Ukraine will escalate into a full-scale civil war, the ITUC is calling from political leaders from Ukraine, Russia and the broader international community to commit unequivocally to a non-violent, negotiated settlement which respects democracy, human rights and the fundamental principles of international law.

Trade unions from across the region called, on 19 February, for “rational solutions based on developing a consensus based on the national interest and the real needs of the working people and citizens of Ukraine” to ensure respect for their lives and rights of the Ukrainian people and a future based on their free choice. This demand from the representatives of working people and the most representative civil society organisations remains the only satisfactory solution to ending the crisis, saving lives and charting a course for the future based on peace, social and economic justice and peaceful co-existence.

All governments must urgently commit themselves to negotiations, repudiate the incitement to violence by radical extremists, and cooperate to ensure full respect for democracy and the rule of law. Continued failure to take these essential steps would leave the people of Ukraine facing the appalling consequences of all-out war. Read more.