Ukraine Crisis: Serious implications for the security and stability of the Euro-Atlantic area…

Posted on 6 May 2014 by redaksiyon

Our main position is protection and inviolability of Ukraine territorial integrity.

Ukraine crisis has a negative impact on the entire region.

President Gül Accentuates High Level of Turkey’s Relations with Georgia, Azerbaijan

Closing Session of Turkey-Georgia Business Forum

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Türkiye’nin, Gürcistan ve Azerbaycan ile İkili İlişkileri Çok İleri Seviyededir

Türkiye ile Gürcistan Arasında Kadim Bir Dostluk Var

Cumhurbaşkanı Gül, Gürcistan Devlet Dans Topluluğu Sukhishvili’nin Gösterisini İzledi

Gürcistan Cumhurbaşkanı Margvelashvili’den Cumhurbaşkanı Gül Onuruna Akşam Yemeği

Turkey-Georgia-Azerbaijan Trilateral Summit

Bugün burada Güney Kafkasya bölgesi konusunda ortak bir vizyonu paylaşan üç ülkenin Cumhurbaşkanları olarak bir araya geldik. İşbirliğimizin tüm veçhelerini ayrıntılı bir şekilde gözden geçirdik.

Esasen Türkiye olarak biz gerek Gürcistan ile gerek Azerbaycan ile ikili ilişkiler çerçevesinde çok ileri seviyedeyiz.
Gürcistan ile 1,5 milyar dolar ticaret hacmimiz var ve Gürcistan’daki Türk yatırımları 1 milyar dolar civarında. Birçok Türk işadamı Gürcistan’a yatırım yapmak için büyük bir arzu içindeler. İlişkilerimiz öyle ki, vatandaşlarımız kimlik kartlarıyla, pasaportsuz bir şekilde ve vizesiz seyahat edebilmektedirler.

Türkiye olarak aynı şekilde Azerbaycan ile de ilişkilerimizin şüphesiz ki çok daha özel boyutları vardır. Ama ekonomik ilişkilerimize geldiğimizde ticaret hacmimiz 4,7 milyar dolar, yatırımlarımız da 5,5 milyar dolar civarındadır.

Türkiye, Azerbaycan ve Gürcistan arasındaki bu coğrafi beraberlik, bu bölgede, Güney Kafkaslarda çok büyük bir cazibe merkezi oluşturmaktadır. Şüphesiz ki şu söylediğim rakamlar, nüfusları düşündüğümüzde önemli rakamlardır, ama bunun çok daha ilerisine varmamız mümkündür. İşte bu üç ülkenin samimi, yakın iş ilişkileri ve işbirliği bölgeyi bir cazibe merkezi haline getirmektedir ve bu cazibenin de gücü giderek artmaktadır.
Öyle ki çok büyük alt yapı projeleri gerçekleştirdiğimizi herkes bilmektedir. Özellikle Bakü-Tiflis-Ceyhan petrol boru hattı, Bakü-Tiflis-Erzurum doğalgaz boru hattı, Bakü-Tiflis-Kars demiryolu projelerini bütün dünya çok takdirle izlemektedir. Bu projeler vaktiyle gerçekleşmesi zor, hatta bazılarının rüya dediği projelerdi. Bunların ilk ikisi gerçekleşmiş, üçüncüsü de, demiryolu projesi de gerçekleşmek üzeredir.

Bugün ulaştırma bakanları da toplantıya katıldılar ve kapsamlı bir şekilde bize sunum yaptılar. Hatta inşaatlarla ilgili video görüntülerini bize sundular. Büyük bir memnuniyet duyduk ki, binlerce metre uzunluğunda, 4-5 kilometrelik tüneller, büyük viyadükler; bütün bunlar açılmış ve işlerin büyük bir kısmı bitirilmiştir. İnşallah kısa süre içerisinde bitecektir. Tabii ki TANAP projesi de ayrı bir yine enerji projesi olarak bölgenin önemini çok daha ortaya çıkartmaktadır.

Bu koordinasyon, birçok pratik faydaları da beraberinde getirmektedir. Bunun en basit göstergesi, trenlerimiz. Raylar birbirine çok uygun değildi. Bütün bu çalışmalar ve koordinasyon neticesinde artık bütün trenler Türkiye’den Gürcistan’a, Azerbaycan’a; Azerbaycan’dan Gürcistan ve Türkiye’ye hiçbir sıkıntı çekmeden gelebilmektedirler.
Bizim bütün arzumuz şudur: Bütün bu projelerle bölgedeki refahı, ekonomik gelişmeyi artırmaktır.
Tabii ki zirve boyunca bölgesel ve uluslararası gelişmeleri de ele aldık. Barış ve istikrarın korunmasını esas alan ve ortak evrensel değerlere dayanan görüşlerimiz de örtüşmektedir. Gürcistan ve Azerbaycan’ın bağımsızlığı ve toprak bütünlüğüne olan güçlü desteğimizi yineledik. Bölgemizdeki ihtilafların, toprak bütünlüğü ilkesi temelinde barışçıl yöntemlerle çözüme kavuşturulmasının önemini de bir kez daha paylaştık.

Ukrayna

Ukrayna’daki krizi de görüşmelerimizde tabii ki konuştuk. Krizin bölgemizde güvenlik ve istikrarı etkilediği konusunda hemfikiriz. Krize Ukrayna’nın toprak bütünlüğü ve uluslararası hukuk çerçevesinde siyasi bir çözüm bulunması da şarttır. Ülkedeki anayasa reformu doğusuyla batısıyla tüm toplumu kucaklamalıdır. AGİT Gözlem Misyonu’nun gerilimin düşürülmesi ve diyaloğun güçlendirilmesindeki rolünü de destekliyoruz. Kırım-Tatar Türklerinin de durumunu hassasiyetle takip ettiğimizi, Türkiye olarak burada ifade etmek isterim.

Zirvenin gerek ülkemiz gerek bölgemiz açısından hayırlara vesile olmasını temenni ediyorum ve bu samimi işbirliğinin birçok ülkeye de örnek olacağına inanıyorum. Bize güzel bir ev sahipliği yaptığı için, bu zirvenin ilk toplantısını organize ettiği için Gürcistan’a ve değerli dostumuz Sayın Cumhurbaşkanı’na da çok teşekkür ediyorum. Cumhurbaşkanı Abdullah Gül.

The Prevention of Abdulcemil Kırımoğlu’s entry to Crimea and Threats against the Crimean Tatar National Assembly

There is no legitimate basis and no justification for the fact that Mr. Mustafa Abdulcemil Kırımoğlu, the leader of the Crimean Tatar Turks, was prevented from accessing his homeland, Crimea on 3 May. We condemn such action which is unacceptable in every way and find it worrisome.

Moreover, we have learned that an inquiry was launched after Crimean Tatars cheered their leader Mr. Kırımlıoğlu, whom they had come to meet, and showed a democratic and peaceful response, and that Mr. Refat Chubarov, President of the Crimean Tatar National Assembly (Majlis) was threatened that the Assembly could be abolished.

Although we expect this will not happen, we consider that adopting such a menacing attitude toward the Crimean Tatar National Assembly, which is the sole legitimate representative body of the Crimean Tatar Turks who have always voiced their opinions and demands peacefully and who have been uneasy during the extraordinary circumstances that they have been through, is a serious development which will escalate tensions in the region.

In this context, we would like to remind all the concerned parties that the Ukrainian Parliament has recognized the Crimean Tatar National Assembly, the executive body of the Crimean Tatar National Congress, as the fully authorized organ of the Crimean Tatar people by its resolution dated March 20, 2014, and that similar decisions have been taken at the local level.

We expect that due respect will be shown to the democratic rights and freedoms of the Crimean Tatar Turks and to their sole legitimate representative body. MFA of Turkey.

Abdülcemil Kırımoğlu’nun Kırım’a girişinin engellenmesi ve Kırım Tatar Milli Meclisine karşı tehditler

Kırım Tatar Türkleri önderi Sayın Mustafa Abdülcemil Kırımoğlu’nun 3 Mayıs’ta anavatanı Kırım’a geçişinin engellenmesinin herhangi bir meşru temeli ve izahı yoktur. Hiçbir şekilde kabulü mümkün olmayan bu uygulamayı kaygı verici buluyor ve kınıyoruz.

Ayrıca, Kırım Tatar halkının, karşılamaya gittikleri önderleri Kırımoğlu’na yönelik tezahürat ve gösterdikleri demokratik ve barışçıl tepki üzerine soruşturma başlatıldığını, Kırım Tatar Milli Meclisi (KTMM) Başkanı Refat Çubarov’un KTMM’nin lağvedilebileceği yolunda tehdit edildiğini de öğrenmiş bulunuyoruz.

Bunun gerçekleşmesine ihtimal vermemekle birlikte, içinden geçtikleri olağanüstü şartlarda, karşılaştıkları tüm zorluklara ve yaşadıkları tedirginliğe rağmen, görüş ve taleplerini her zaman barışçıl bir zeminde demokratik yöntemlerle dile getirmiş olan Kırım Tatar Türklerinin tek meşru temsil organı olan KTMM’ye karşı böylesine tehditkar bir tutum benimsenmiş olmasını bölgede gerginliği tırmandıracak vahim bir gelişme olarak görüyoruz.

Bu bağlamda, tüm ilgili taraflara, Ukrayna Parlamentosu’nun 20 Mart 2014’te aldığı kararla, Kırım Tatar Milli Kurultayı’nın yürütme organı olan KTMM’yi Kırım Tatar halkının tam yetkili organı olarak tanıdığını, ayrıca, yerel düzeyde alınmış benzeri kararlar olduğunu hatırlatmak isteriz.

Kırım Tatar Türklerinin demokratik hak ve özgürlüklerine ve yegane meşru temsil organına gereken saygının gösterilmesini bekliyoruz. Dışişleri Bakanlığı.

G7 ROME ENERGY MINISTERIAL MEETING
ROME G7 ENERGY INITIATIVE FOR ENERGY SECURITY
JOINT STATEMENT

We, the Energy Ministers of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the EU Commissioner for Energy, following The Hague Declaration of G7 Leaders of March 24th, met in Rome on May 5th and 6th to discuss ways to strengthen collective energy security.

We issue the following joint statement for Leaders’ consideration, in view of the G7 Summit to be held in Brussels on June 4-5, 2014.

1. Recent events highlight the need to address energy security challenges. Energy should not be used as a means of political coercion nor as a threat to security. Energy disputes should be solved through dialogue based on reciprocity, transparency and continued cooperation. We are extremely concerned by the energy security implications of developments in Ukraine, as a consequence of Russia’s violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

2. We are committed to initiate a systematic and enduring step change to improve energy security at national, regional and global levels. And we remain united in our determination to provide various types of assistance that Ukraine needs to strengthen its energy security.

3. We believe that a broader energy security strategy is needed to address the larger dimensions of today’s globalized energy markets shared among energy consumers, producers and transit countries. Energy security is a collective responsibility, a core component of our economic and national security that is inherently linked to the energy security of our allies, partners and neighbors. In this respect, we stand ready to pursue discussions and cooperation with European and international partners, in all appropriate fora, including the G20 and in coordination with the European Union.

4. Addressing energy security requires immediate measures and decisions at both the national and regional levels, in order to address short, medium and long term challenges. We believe that the path to energy security is built on a number of core principles:

· Development of flexible, transparent and competitive energy markets, including gas markets.

· Diversification of energy fuels, sources and routes, and encouragement of indigenous sources of energy supply.

· Reducing our greenhouse gas emissions, and accelerating the transition to a low carbon economy, as a key contribution to enduring energy security.

· Enhancing energy efficiency in demand and supply, and demand response management.

· Promoting deployment of clean and sustainable energy technologies and continued investment in research and innovation.

· Improving energy systems resilience by promoting infrastructure modernization and supply and demand policies that help withstand systemic shocks.

· Putting in place emergency response systems, including reserves and fuel substitution for importing countries, in case of major energy disruptions.

5. In the long term, it is vital to ensure diversification of the energy mix. Recognizing that fossil fuels still remain an important element of our energy mix, we believe that reducing emissions from fossil fuels is necessary to tackle climate change and can enhance our energy security. We intend to promote the use of low carbon technologies (renewable energies, nuclear in the countries which opt to use it, and carbon capture and storage) including those which work as a base load energy source.

6. Energy efficiency needs to be further addressed by proactive policies in industry, in all kinds of power generation, transport, and the building and household sectors, through cooperation to deploy energy efficient technologies and the development of necessary, including financial, capabilities. We support the removal of barriers that limit the diffusion of energy efficient technologies by means of enhanced cooperation with international organizations and international fora.

7. In the medium term, the diversification of sources and routes for fossil fuels is essential. No country should depend totally on one supplier. We intend to promote a more integrated LNG market, including through new supplies, the development of transport infrastructures, storage capacities, and LNG terminals. We support the opening of new routes to supply energy, in particular the Southern Corridor, as a route for possible other sources of supply for Europe. We will further promote flexible gas markets, including relaxation of destination clauses and producer-consumer dialogue.

8. Energy security must include timely investment to supply energy in line with economic developments and environmental needs. Some investments in infrastructure, needed to increase security of supply, and that cannot be built according to market rules, could be supported by regulatory frameworks or by means of public funding.

9. We recall the importance of efforts to protect critical energy infrastructure, including from cyber attacks, of protecting the transit routes and the transport of LNG and oil by ships, of continuing in the joint efforts to ensure the freedom and safety of navigation on the sea lines of communications including through counter-piracy operations.

10. Consistent with our longer term climate change goals, we will take opportunities to strengthen energy security and economic growth through safe and sustainable development of oil and natural gas resources from conventional and unconventional sources, recognizing that it is for individual countries to choose which sources they wish to develop.

11. We welcome the recent signature in Bratislava of the Memorandum of Understanding and the Interconnection Agreement for reverse flows between Slovakia and Ukraine.

12.We welcome the efforts of the European Commission to identify possible routes for reverse flow from entry points in existing gas infrastructures, to develop emergency plans for winter 2014-2015 at regional level, and to launch a coordinated action to increase the transparency of gas flows through the Ukrainian network.

13. We welcome the efforts of the European Commission to define a list of priority projects among Projects of Common Interest and Projects of Energy Community Interest to enhance the energy security of Ukraine and other Eastern European countries.

We have also agreed to take these immediate actions:

· G7 members will work to complement the efforts of the European Commission to develop energy emergency plans for winter 2014-2015 at a regional level.

· Experts from G7 and other invited countries will exchange best practices for assessing energy security vulnerabilities.

· We ask the International Energy Agency, in close relation with the European Commission, to present within six months options for individual and collective actions of the G7 in the field of gas security.

· Working with institutions such as the IEA, the International Renewable Energy Agency and international financial institutions, we will supply technical assistance, including leveraging the private sector, and facilitate exchanges with Ukraine and other European countries seeking to develop their indigenous hydrocarbon resources and renewable energies, and improve energy efficiency.

We also agree to sustain our engagement for the medium and long term.

We propose to G7 Leaders to establish a working group to develop comprehensively the Rome G7 Energy Initiative and to report back to Ministers within six months.

Rome, 6th May 2014

Reversing the Logic of Escalation in Ukraine: Next Steps by the Swiss OSCE Chairmanship” – OSCE Chairperson’s address

VIENNA, 6 May 2014 – The OSCE Chairperson-in-Office, Swiss Foreign Minister Didier Burkhalter addressed Ministers of the Council of Europe in Vienna today about next steps of the Swiss OSCE Chairmanship in reversing the logic of escalation in Ukraine.

I am grateful that we are having this debate on Ukraine. We have reached a pivotal moment, both for Ukraine and for Europe. It is important that we do not turn our backs against each other in this situation. Rather, we should all commit to resolving this crisis through dialogue.

As you know, Switzerland is chairing the OSCE this year. From the beginning of our Chairmanship, we have been closely involved in efforts to assist Ukraine in resolving this crisis. I take the liberty of addressing you here as Chairperson-in-Office of the OSCE. And I wish to make four main points:

First, we need to reverse the logic of escalation that has marked this crisis so far.

Just a few months ago, in early December last year, most of us met in Kiev for the OSCE Ministerial Council. Little did we anticipate then how much the Ukraine crisis would evolve and expand. Today, not even half a year later, Ukraine is struggling for its territorial integrity and national cohesion. Instability is growing in eastern and southern parts of the country. The spectre of new rifts looms on Europe’s horizon.

It is our duty as politicians to reverse this logic of escalation. I am convinced that we can accomplish this – it is above all a question of responsible leadership.

“Responsible” in this case means commitment to dialogue and cooperation, to de-escalatory measures and rhetoric, and to constructive engagement in the search for solutions in keeping with national and international law.

Second, we need a roadmap for the period until the elections.

Time is of the essence now. The roadmap that the Swiss Chairmanship is proposing covers a series of issues. Convergence on these issues should help stabilize the situation and provide conditions to hold the planned elections.

These issues include international commitment to presidential elections on 25 May; international commitment to the conduct of a nationwide consultative opinion poll on decentralization (in parallel with the elections), which is tied to broad national dialogue, including roundtable discussions in the regions; recommitment to implementing the measures agreed in the Geneva Statement. Security questions will also have to be addressed.
It is essential that the four parties of the Geneva Statement back such a roadmap and its implementation in the form of an Action Plan. The Swiss Chairmanship is currently consulting with the leaders of all four parties on how to proceed on this matter.

Third, the OSCE is ready to take up a lead role in implementing this roadmap.

The Special Monitoring Mission that was set up by consensus decision has been tasked to support Ukraine in implementing the Geneva Measures. We are currently evaluating how this should best be done in the light of the proposed roadmap. And we are enlarging the capacity of this Mission, from 154 monitors today to about 300 by the end of June. I invite all of you to support the Monitoring Mission with additional funding and monitors, including experts in disarmament and mediation.

The OSCE is also ready to facilitate inclusive national dialogue in Ukraine. We are convinced that such roundtables are essential to address grievances, to reassure all parties that they have a stake in the Ukrainian state, and hence to strengthen national cohesion.

Finally, the OSCE through ODIHR is observing the elections. 100 long-term observers are already deployed throughout the regions in Ukraine. An additional 900 short-term observers will follow in due time.

My fourth and final point is this: As the OSCE is demonstrating its value, we should redouble our efforts to strengthen its capacity to act

One effect that the Ukraine crisis may well have is that not all of the priorities that the Swiss Chairmanship had defined for this year will be fulfilled. But one thing is clear: Our objective of strengthening mediation capacities in the OSCE is more relevant than ever. Bridge-building will remain in high demand, and the OSCE has an important role to play in this regard.

As ministers, it is also time to get more actively involved in the “Helsinki+40” process on the OSCE’s future. On the one hand, this may result in recommitting to the Helsinki Principles and discussing the cornerstones of European security. But on the other hand, it should also mean discussing practical measures to enable the OSCE to tap its full potential. Source.

Nos 3 priorités sont l’Ukraine, l’Ukraine, et l’Ukraine

S’exprimant au lendemain du 65e anniversaire du Conseil de l’Europe, à l’occasion de la Conférence ministérielle de l’Organisation, à Vienne, Anne Brasseur a souligné qu’en adoptant le mois dernier deux résolutions, l’une sur l’Ukraine et l’autre sur la Russie, l’Assemblée parlementaire “a non seulement cherché à défendre les valeurs de cette organisation, mais a pris des décisions difficiles et de principe que les fondateurs du Conseil de l’Europe auraient souhaité la voir prendre.

” Elle rappelle que l’Assemblée a certes suspendu les droits de vote de la délégation russe, sa possibilité d’être représentée au sein du Bureau et du Comité des Présidents de groupes politiques et son droit de participation à l’observation des élections, mais qu’elle n’a pas suspendu ses pouvoirs, afin de permettre la poursuite du dialogue et de sa participation aux autres activités de l’Assemblée. “Je déplore donc la décision, prise ensuite par la Douma d’Etat russe, de suspendre effectivement la poursuite de sa participation constructive aux activités de l’APCE.” “Si vous me demandiez aujourd’hui quelles sont les trois priorités du Conseil de l’Europe, je devrais vous répondre l’Ukraine, l’Ukraine, et l’Ukraine,” a-t-elle ajouté pour conclure.

Ukraine, Ukraine, Ukraine are our three priorities

Speaking on the aftermath of the Council of Europe’s 65th anniversary at the organisation’s Ministerial Conference in Vienna, Anne Brasseur stressed tha t PACE, when adopting two resolutions last month, on Ukraine and on Russia, “not only sought to stand up for the values of this organisation, but took difficult and principled decisions which the founders of this organisation would have expected of it.”

She recalled that while PACE suspended the Russian delegation’s voting rights, the possibility of being represented in the Bureau and Presidential Committee and the right to participate in election observations, it did not suspend the credentials, thus allowing for an ongoing dialogue and participation in the other work of the Assembly. “I regret, therefore the subsequent decision of the Russian State Duma to effectively suspend “its further constructive participation in the PACE activities.” “If you asked me the three priorities of the Council of Europe today, I would have to reply, Ukraine, Ukraine and Ukraine,” she concluded.

Closer to the EU: additional funding for Georgia and Moldova

The European Commission has announced today a support package for Georgia and the Republic of Moldova, worth €60 million. This support package will help public institutions, citizens and the business community to seize the benefits and opportunities of the Association Agreements with the EU, including the possibility of access to the EU market.

Štefan Füle, Commissioner for European Neighbourhood Policy, stated: “Georgia and the Republic of Moldova are genuinely committed to a major shift in their relations with the European Union, based on shared fundamental values. The Association Agreements will make that shift possible, and will open the possibility of stronger trade ties with the European market. And our assistance will continue to accompany this process.”

Support to the Republic of Moldova (€30 million) targets competitiveness of small business, development of national legislation in line with EU quality standards and promotion of export and investment opportunities, communication and information campaigns on the trade agreement with the EU.

Support to Georgia (€30 million) is focused on modernisation of public institutions linked to the implementation of the Association Agreement, competitiveness of rural business and trade opportunities with the EU and protection of the rights of minorities and vulnerable groups.

Funding for this package is granted to Georgia and the Republic of Moldova through the ‘more for more’ mechanism of the new European Neighbourhood Instrument: the multi-country umbrella programme. This mechanism rewards progress in democratic reforms with supplementary financial allocations. Regular allocations under the Annual Action Programme 2014 will come later this year.

Background

The new European Neighbourhood Instrument 2014-2020 (which replaces the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument 2007-2013) reflects an incentive-based approach: the more a country is committed to and makes progress in reforms, the more assistance it can expect from the EU.

Multi-country umbrella programmes facilitate the implementation of the incentive-based approach by allocating supplementary funding to selected neighbours, in line with their progress in building deep and sustainable democracy (‘more for more’).

This rewarding mechanism builds on the past experience of the SPRING (Support for Partnership, Reforms and Inclusive Growth) and EaPIC (Eastern Partnership Cooperation and Integration) programmes funded in 2011-2013.

The Eastern Partnership countries are Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine.

The funding

The Eastern Partnership component of the multi-country umbrella programme 2014 totals €100 million, allocated to three countries: Georgia (€30 million), the Republic of Moldova (€30 million) and Ukraine (€40 million).

The allocations for Georgia and the Republic of Moldova fund the first part of the assistance for the two countries in 2014. More comprehensive assistance packages (Annual Action Programmes) will follow in the coming months.

The allocation for Ukraine is part of the total budget of the special support package for Ukraine (€365 million, adopted on 29 April).

The multi-country umbrella programme allocations for Neighbourhood South partners will be adopted in the course of 2014. More information.

The (Dis)integration of Moldova? Five Scenarios for Ukraine’s Fragile Neighbor

By Walter Kemp – As the crisis in Ukraine deepens, the question often asked is, “where will Russia strike next?” Nowhere, hopefully, but Moldova looks vulnerable. Like Estonia, Kazakhstan, and Latvia, the small Eastern European nation has a significant Russian-speaking population. Like Ukraine, it has tried to move closer to the West. And like Georgia, it contains a break-away region—Transdniestria–controlled by Russian proxies. What are the prospects for Moldova’s future?

The current Moldovan government has made closer European integration a priority. Indeed, the ruling coalition of three liberal democratic partners formed an Alliance of European Integration during the parliamentary elections of 2010 to keep the Communists out of power, despite the latter winning the largest share of the vote (39 percent). Major steps towards European integration have been taken in the past few years, as signified by the initialing of the Association Agreement between Moldova and the European Union (EU), including the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), at the European Summit in Vilnius, Lithuania on November 29, 2013. At the same time, the government has been careful to maintain good relations with Moscow, and to intensify dialogue with the break-away region of Transdniestria.

But with elections pending, and growing instability in its neighborhood, will Moldova be able to continue the process of European integration? And will it be able to “reintegrate” Transdniestria, or will internal and external forces break it apart? Five scenarios are worth considering. Full analysis.

NATO and Japan sign cooperation accord to deepen partnership, discuss Ukraine crisis

06 May. 2014 – NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on Tuesday (06 May 2014) signed a roadmap detailing areas where the Alliance and Japan will work to widen and deepen their longstanding partnership. “Today we signed an agreement that will take this relationship a step further,” said the Secretary General. “It will bring our practical cooperation to a new level including in the areas of counter piracy, disaster relief and humanitarian assistance.”

The Individual Partnership and Cooperation Programme (IPCP), signed during a visit by Prime Minister Abe to NATO headquarters, will strengthen political dialogue and practical cooperation between the Alliance and Japan. The Prime Minister also addressed a special session of the North Atlantic Council. “Our discussions show how highly we value our relationship and how much potential there is to do more,” said Mr. Fogh Rasmussen.

Tuesday’s signing of the IPCP builds on a joint political declaration the Secretary General and the Prime Minister signed in Tokyo in April 2013, which set the groundwork for strengthening NATO-Japan cooperation. Japan is the Alliance’s oldest partner outside of the Euro-Atlantic area. “Our partnership is based up on shared values, a shared commitment to international peace and security and to the principles of the United Nations and international law,” said Mr. Fogh Rasmussen.

The Secretary General said that there was no doubt that the security and stability in the Euro-Atlantic and Asia-Pacific regions were interlinked, pointing to the crisis in Ukraine. “In this time of crisis our dialogue with like-minded partners like Japan is key to address global security challenges,” he said.

R emarks
by NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen at the joint press point with the Prime Minister of Japan, Shinzo Abe

Prime Minister, it is a great pleasure to welcome you again at NATO Headquarters. Today is an important day for our partnership.
We just had a productive meeting with the members of the North Atlantic Council. Our discussions show how highly we value our relationship and how much potential there is to do more.

Today we signed an agreement that will take this relationship a step further. It will bring our practical cooperation to a new level, including in the areas of counter piracy, disaster relief and humanitarian assistance.
Prime Minister, your personal commitment to our partnership is steadfast and goes back a long way.

Japan is our oldest partner from outside the Euro-Atlantic area.
For the last decade, Japan’s contribution in Afghanistan has been vital. We are grateful for your outstanding support to our efforts. We also appreciate Japan’s intention to continue to support development and security in Afghanistan, beyond 2014.

Japan’s contributions to the NATO Trust Funds, in Afghanistan and elsewhere, are also tremendously appreciated.

Our partnership is based upon shared values, a shared commitment to international peace and security, and to the principles of the United Nations and international law.

Today we are facing the gravest crisis to European security since the end of the Cold War. But this is not just about Ukraine. This crisis has serious implications for the security and stability of the Euro-Atlantic area as a whole.
And there is no doubt that the security and stability in the Euro-Atlantic and Asia-Pacific regions cannot be treated separately.

In this time of crisis, our dialogue with like-minded partners like Japan is key to address global security challenges.

Prime Minister, I thank you for your determination to contribute to international efforts towards global peace and stability. And I look forward to deepening our political dialogue and our practical cooperation.

Opening statement to the North Atlantic Council
by NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen on the occasion of the visit of the Prime Minister of Japan to NATO

Prime Minister, it gives me great pleasure to welcome you here today. This is the second time you will address this Council, after your landmark visit in 2007. This demonstrates the role you have played in the deepening of the NATO-Japan partnership. Your visit is all the more timely given the background of your new National Security Strategy, which emphasizes your vision for Japan’s proactive contribution to peace.

Prime Minister, our partnership is grounded in our shared values. The 28 NATO Allies represented around this table and Japan are like-minded. We are democratic countries founded on the same view of upholding individual liberty and human rights. We share the belief that the international order should rest on multilateral cooperation, the primacy of international law, and the importance of human rights. We share security challenges, as well as a determination to work together. That is why I called Japan and NATO “natural partners” when I enjoyed your hospitality in Tokyo last year.

During that visit, we concluded a Joint Political Declaration which reaffirmed the common values that bring together Japan and NATO. It included welcome steps to make our bond more visible and it spelled out our determination to work more closely together. On that basis, a few minutes ago we signed an Individual Partnership and Cooperation Programme, which will serve as a practical roadmap for our joint activities.

Je tiens à exprimer notre gratitude pour les remarquables contributions apportées par le Japon aux initiatives de l’OTAN. Votre pays a joué un rôle essentiel en Afghanistan à l’appui d’autres efforts internationaux, notamment ceux de la FIAS et de l’OTAN. Je soulignerai à cet égard avec une grande reconnaissance les milliards de dollars que le Japon a mis à disposition pour soutenir de petits projets locaux au travers des équipes de reconstruction provinciales, ainsi que le soutien financier qu’il continue de fournir aux forces de sécurité afghanes.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, nous nous réjouissons d’entendre votre point de vue sur la relation bilatérale entre l’OTAN et le Japon, ainsi que sur l’environnement stratégique de votre pays. More on the visit of Prime Minister of Japan Shinzo Abe to NATO

U.S. point of view on Odesa inferno.

We remain extremely concerned by the deteriorating situation in both eastern and southern Ukraine, where pro-Russian militants who are armed have escalated their already violent behavior and taken over additional government buildings in yet more towns.

Odesa, as you know, is in southern Ukraine. We’re going to continue to call on Russia to live up to its commitments in Geneva and to use its influence over these groups, these pro-Russian militant groups, to urge them to disarm and to instead engage in Ukraine’s political process.

When it comes to Odesa, I want to reiterate that we mourn with all Ukrainians the heartbreaking loss of life there on Friday. The violence and mayhem that led to so many senseless deaths and injuries is unacceptable. We call on all sides to work together to restore calm and law and order. And we call on the Ukrainian authorities to launch a full investigation and to bring all of those responsible to justice.

The events in Odesa dramatically underscore the need for an immediate deescalation of tensions in Ukraine. The violence and efforts to destabilize the country must end. And we again call for the immediate implementation of the commitments made in Geneva on April 17th.

When it comes to the general principle of violating a sovereign state’s territorial integrity, seeking to destabilize a sovereign state, the actions of Russia regardless of where they take place within Ukraine are very, very serious. And we have called them out and we have called on them to use their influence — that is, Russian leaders, to use their influence to prevail upon militants in eastern and southern Ukraine to disarm, to vacate the buildings they’ve occupied and to engage in the political process in Ukraine.

As you know, there are elections scheduled for May 25th, in just a few weeks, and that is an opportunity for every Ukrainian, regardless of his or her political views, to take advantage of the democratic process to express their will. That’s how it should be. Ukrainians must decide for themselves the future of Ukraine. It is not for another nation or for militants within a nation supported by and abetted by another nation to force anything upon the people of Ukraine.

I think that we have from day one escalated our actions that impose costs on Russia as Russia has escalated its interference in and efforts to destabilize Ukraine. And as the President made clear last week when we announced new sanctions in coordination with our European and G7 partners, those costs will continue to escalate. We have a wide range of tools available to us up to and including sectoral sanctions. And should Russia take actions that we and our partners decide or view as meriting further escalation costs on Russia, then that’s what we will do. We will impose those costs.

And the authorities the President has available to him under the executive orders he signed give him a flexible range of tools to impose further costs and higher costs on Russia. And we will continue to ramp up those costs, ratchet up those costs, if and as Russia continues to engage in efforts to destabilize Ukraine and fails to honor the commitments that Russia made in Geneva on April 17th. Press Secretary Jay Carney – Full transcript.

Odessa’daki faşist katliamın sorumlusu Washington’dır

Mike Head – 6 Mayıs 2014 -İngilizce’den çeviri/Faşistler önderliğindeki güçlerin yalnızca katliam olarak adlandırılabilecek bir şekilde Ukrayna’daki ABD ve Avrupa destekli yönetimin karşıtlarının barındığı Odessa Sendikalar Binası’nı ateşe vermesinin ardından 38 hükümet karşıtı eylemci öldürüldü.

Görgü tanıklarına göre, yanan binadan atlayarak yaşamayı başarabilenler neo-Nazi Sağ Sektör’den haydutlar tarafından kuşatıldı ve dövüldü. Video görüntüleri, saldırıya uğrayan kanlar içindeki yaralıları gösteriyor.

Bu vahşet, hem Batılı güçler tarafından Kiev’de iktidara getirilen sağcı yönetimin hem de ABD ile müttefiklerinin bu iktidarın asıl olarak Ukrayna’nın Rusça konuşulan doğu ve güney bölgelerinde yoğunlaşan halk muhalefetini ezmek için giriştiği kanlı bastırma hareketini desteklemesinin insanlıktan uzak karakterini vurgulamaktadır.

Odessa’daki saldırı yaşandığında, ABD Başkanı Barack Obama, Beyaz Saray’da Almanya Başbakanı Angela Merkel ile düzenlediği ortak basın toplantısında, Kiev’deki seçilmemiş yönetimin doğu Ukrayna’daki devlet dairelerini işgal eden protestoculara karşı gerçekleştirdiği askeri saldırıyı açıkça onayladı.

Batı medyasının, “olayların tam olarak nasıl geliştiği hala net değil” diyen haberlerle Odessa’da olup bitenlerin üstünü örtmeye yönelik çabalarına rağmen, ülkenin güneyindeki bu liman kentinde gerçekleşen cinayetlerin, Svoboda partisi ile birlikte Kiev yönetiminde bakanlıkları elinde tutan Sağ Sektör’ün sembollerini taşıyan çeteler tarafından başlatıldığından kuşku yok.

Sendikalar Binası, hükümet karşıtı eylemcilerin haftalardır Odessa’nın Kulikovo Alanı’ndaki binanın önünde kurulu olan çadır kampının Kiev yanlısı unsurlar tarafından kuşatılıp yakılmasının ve kimi hükümet karşıtı protestocuların binanın içinde barikatlar kurmasının ardından ateşe verildi.

Twitter’da yayımlanan fotoğraflar, binayı alevler sararken, bir çok katta, muhtemelen aşağıya atlamak üzere pencerelerden sarkan ve pervazlarda oturan insanlar olduğunu gösteriyordu. Başka fotoğraflarda da bu cehennemi kutlayan yönetim yanlısı unsurlar yer alıyordu. Kimileri, Twitter’da, St. George’un rozetini taşıyan Rusya yanlısı eylemciler için kullanılan küçültücü ifadeyle, “Colorado kum böcekleri Odessa’da kızarıyor” yazarak dalga geçiyordu. Tamamı.

Odessa Police

by Eugene Rumer – Tuesday, May 6, 2014/ Why should it be different in Ukraine’s major port city, where criminal traditions and trade in contraband goods have been a staple of everyday life since the days of Isaak Babel’s “Odessa Tales,” and local thieves and local police have long learned to co-exist as partners? Why should it be different in a country where a government post or a political office is merely a tool of personal enrichment, where the venality of police and law enforcement in general is commonly accepted as a fact of life, where a former president was implicated in an abduction and murder of an opposition journalist, and where a change of government—revolutionary or otherwise—has long meant only that a different team would have the opportunity to steal? Full analysis.

Genocide in Novorossiya and swan song of Ukrainian statehood

Tue, May 6, 2014/ The Khatyn massacre in Odessa has created a new reality, in which Ukrainian citizens, whose only goal is to defend their language, way of life, and values, stand in opposition to the neo-Nazi junta in their own capital of Kiev. Unlike the Donbass, where there is an armed militia, the protests in Odessa were entirely peaceful. But the Rubicon was crossed in Odessa on May 2. The taboo against the killing of peaceful civilians by armed militants no longer exists. It is no coincidence that a few hours after the tragedy in Odessa, the National Guard began ruthlessly shooting the residents of Kramatorsk who were attempting to block armored vehicles by standing in their path. It’s possible that many of them did not even know what had happened in Odessa where their fellow Ukrainian citizens had been set ablaze right in front of the indifferent police forces while the neo-Nazis shouted, “Burn, Russians!” and “Death to the damn Russians!” and that those who escaped the fire were finished off with axes and clubs, all to the tune of the Ukrainian national anthem – a song that will now always be associated with the Khatyn in Odessa. (…)

It is already clear that the junta has failed to achieve its goals. The citizens of Odessa have now decided to move from peaceful protests to guerrilla attacks. And they are right to do so – the residents of the occupied territories have no other way to prove anything to the fascists there – this was true even during WWII.

Instead of extinguishing the flames of this smoldering civil war in Ukraine, the junta has thrown gasoline on it.

The supporters of a federalized country have been incinerated – beyond this brink there is no longer any possibility of Ukraine continuing to exist within its current borders.

Of course the West is interested in establishing a neo-Nazi Ukrainian state on the border with Russia. The only question is about the perimeters of this state, and this involves more than just its boundary with Russia, since obviously neither the Romanians, Hungarians, or Poles will be pleased to find themselves saddled with such a neighbor.

What conclusions can be drawn after the tragedy in Odessa? Full analysis.

The Only Chance to Rebuild Ukraine

by: Gwendolyn Sasse – Tuesday, May 6, 2014/ The election will therefore provide a first tangible snapshot of the attitudes and preferences of Ukrainian society at large. At the moment, observers simply do not know what the silent majority thinks or wants. The presidential poll represents Ukraine’s best chance to start the process of rebuilding political authority at the center.

Russian officials have questioned the feasibility and legitimacy of holding a national election in the current circumstances. This contradicts Russia’s frequent complaints about what it sees as an illegitimate caretaker government in Kiev. Russian rhetoric surrounding the impending election should not be allowed to become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Western governments and the EU need to pay closer attention to the vote, highlight its importance, and try to ensure that it proceeds without major disruptions.

According to trustworthy opinion polls, there is a possibility that the election might be decided in the first round (by a vote of more than 50 percent for one candidate). Since Ukraine became independent in 1991, the country’s presidential elections have always required a second-round runoff between the two top candidates.

The current political situation could break this electoral pattern. The two key candidates in the upcoming contest are Petro Poroshenko, an oligarch known as the “Chocolate King” due to his ownership of the confectionery company Roshen, and former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko. Poroshenko leads by a long way. Full analysis