European Parliament Resolution on Ukraine!

Posted on 11 March 2014 by redaksiyon

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Latest statements & Analysis Follow!

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European Parliament resolution on the situation in Ukraine
(2014/2595(RSP)

The European Parliament,
– having regard to its previous resolutions on the European Neighbourhood Policy, on the Eastern Partnership (EaP) and on Ukraine, with particular reference to its resolution of 6 February 2014 on the situation in Ukraine ,
– having regard to its resolution of 12 December 2013 on the outcome of the Vilnius Summit and the future of the Eastern Partnership, in particular as regards Ukraine ,
– having regard to the European Council conclusions of 19-20 December 2013,
– having regard to the conclusions of the extraordinary meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council on Ukraine of 20 February 2014,
– having regard to Rule 110(2) and (4) of its Rules of Procedure,
A. whereas since the decision of the Ukrainian President and Government to suspend the signing of the Association Agreement, hundreds of thousands of people have spontaneously taken to the streets all over the country to demonstrate in favour of European integration; whereas in Kyiv the demonstrators have been peacefully occupying Independence Square (Maidan Nezalezhnosti), calling for strong political change with a view to making the government review its decision;
B. whereas the authorities under President Yanukovych clearly violated the law by authorising the security forces to use live ammunition against the protesters and by deploying snipers on roofs in and around Independence Square, which since late November 2013 has been the epicentre of an anti-government and pro-European protest; whereas protesters and bystanders were executed on the streets of Kyiv, provoking international outrage and condemnation;
C. whereas, at the same time, three foreign affairs ministers from the EU travelled to Kyiv in an effort to mediate a compromise solution between President Yanukovych and the opposition; whereas they managed to broker an agreement on a roadmap for a peaceful and democratic exit from the crisis; whereas the Russian special envoy also facilitated the agreement, but without co-signing it;
D. whereas, as a consequence, the EU decided to impose targeted sanctions, including an asset freeze and a visa ban, on those responsible for human rights violations, violence and use of excessive force; whereas the Member States agreed, furthermore, to suspend export licences on equipment which might be used for internal repression and reassess export licences for equipment covered by Common Position 2008/944/CFSP;
E. whereas the citizens of Lviv and Donetsk took the initiative of using the Russian and Ukrainian languages respectively in their daily business of 26 February 2014 as a gesture of solidarity and unity for the whole country;
F. whereas the Verkhovna Rada adopted a resolution on 21 February 2014 denouncing the ‘anti-terrorism’ operations and demanding that the security forces withdraw from the centre of Kyiv; whereas, by doing so, the parliament demonstrated its determination to play a central role and to take control of the situation in the country; whereas, the following day, it voted on the dismissal of President Yanukovych, the return to the 2004 Constitution, early elections on 25 May 2014 and the release of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko;
1. Pays tribute to those fighting and dying for European values, and expresses its deepest condolences to the families of the victims, strongly condemns all acts of violence and calls on all Ukrainian citizens, along with political and civic leaders, to act with the utmost responsibility in this historic moment for Ukraine;
2. Firmly condemns the brutal and disproportionate action of anti-riot forces such as Berkut, snipers and others that led to the dramatic escalation of violence; deplores the deaths and injuries sustained on all sides and expresses its most sincere condolences to the families of the victims; warns that any further escalation of violence would be disastrous for the Ukrainian nation and could undermine the unity and territorial integrity of the country; stresses that it is now of paramount importance that all parties demonstrate a sense of responsibility, restraint and commitment to an inclusive political dialogue, and exclude extrajudicial retaliation; urges all political forces to work together at this critical juncture for Ukraine and to facilitate compromise solutions, taking clear distance from extremists and avoiding provocation and violent actions that might fuel separatist moves;
3. Welcomes the responsible role played by the Verkhovna Rada in assuming its full constitutional functions and filling the political and institutional vacuum created by the resignation of the government and the dismissal of the President, who was then ousted by the Parliament; takes note of the measures adopted so far by the parliament with regard, in particular, to the return to the 2004 Constitution, the decision to hold presidential elections on 25 May 2014, the decision to withdraw police and security forces, and the release from prison of Yulia Tymoshenko; stresses how important it is that the Ukrainian Parliament and its members continue to abide by the rule of law;
4. Commends the people of Ukraine on the orderly change in power and on their civic resilience in the past few months, and underlines the fact that this civic and popular protest serves as an example and will mark a watershed in the history of Ukraine; stresses that this democratic, civic victory should not be marred by any spirit of revenge or acts of retribution towards adversaries, or by political infighting; stresses that those who committed crimes against the citizens of Ukraine and who misused the power of the state should face independent trials; calls for the setting-up of an independent commission to investigate, in close collaboration with the Council of Europe International Advisory Panel and the OSCE, the human rights violations that have taken place since the beginning of the demonstrations;
5. Supports the EU’s dual-track approach, which combines intensified diplomatic efforts with targeted sanctions against those responsible for ordering human rights abuses related to political oppression; calls for the enactment of the targeted sanctions as agreed by the Foreign Affairs Council and urges the Member States to implement their own anti�money�laundering legislation to stop the flow of embezzled money from Ukraine, and to ensure the return of stolen assets deposited in the EU; considers that a truly independent investigation of the crimes committed should start immediately and that the targeted sanctions should be lifted as soon as the situation in Ukraine improves and such an investigation of the crimes committed starts to deliver results; calls for an investigation into the massive embezzlement of state funds and assets by the cronies and ‘family’ of ousted President Yanukovych, for the freezing of all their assets pending clarification of how they were acquired and, where they are proved to have been stolen, for the return of such assets by the governments of the Member States;
6. Urges the Commission, the Member States and international humanitarian organisations to deploy quick, robust and direct medical and humanitarian assistance for all victims;
7. Calls on all sides and third countries to respect and support the unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine; calls on all political forces within Ukraine and all the international actors involved to commit themselves to work for the territorial integrity and national unity of Ukraine, taking account of the cultural and linguistic composition of the country and its history; calls on the Ukrainian Parliament and the incoming government to respect the rights of minorities in the country and the use of Russian and other minority languages; calls for the adoption of new legislation in line with Ukraine’s obligations under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages;
8. Recalls that the existing borders of Ukraine were guaranteed by the United States of America, the Russian Federation and the United Kingdom in the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances when Ukraine relinquished nuclear weapons and joined the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT); reminds the Russian Federation that, together with the two other countries mentioned above, it committed itself in the same act to refraining from economic coercion designed to subordinate to its own interest the exercise by Ukraine of the rights inherent in its sovereignty and thus to secure advantages of any kind;
9. Stresses the importance of not losing momentum in addressing the root causes of the crisis, and establishing people’s trust in politics and the institutions; believes, furthermore, that this requires constitutional and structural reforms aimed at the creation of an effective system of checks and balances, a closer link between politics and society, the rule of law, accountability, and a truly independent and impartial judicial system and credible elections;
10. Welcomes the conclusions of the extraordinary Foreign Affairs Council of 20 February 2014 and, in particular, the decision to introduce targeted sanctions, including an asset freeze and a visa ban directed against those responsible for human rights violations, violence and the use of excessive force, and to suspend export licences for equipment that might be used for internal repression; notes the enormous impact that these sanctions have had on Ukrainian public opinion, and is of the opinion that these measures could have been adopted earlier; takes the view, however, that these sanctions should be maintained as part of the EU policy towards Ukraine during this transitional period;
11. Welcomes the release of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko from prison, and hopes that her release will symbolise the end of selective and politically motivated justice in Ukraine; demands the immediate and unconditional release of all the demonstrators and political prisoners who have been illegally detained, the dropping of all charges against them, and their political rehabilitation;
12. Urges all political forces to work together, at this critical juncture for Ukraine, towards a peaceful political transition, an ambitious and broad-based reform agenda and a European-standards-oriented government, to uphold the unity and territorial integrity of the country, and to facilitate compromise solutions for the future of Ukraine; calls on the interim authorities to guarantee democratic rights and freedoms to all democratic political forces and to prevent attacks against any of them;
13. Reiterates that the Association Agreement / Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) is ready for signing with the new government, as soon as possible and as soon as the new government is ready to do so;
14. Welcomes the fact that out of the three benchmarks set by the Foreign Affairs Council of 2012, the one on ending selective justice (imprisonment of Yulia Tymoshenko) has been met, while the remaining two, on justice and the election systems, these being the demands of the protest movement, are already the subject of profound change and reform, which will hopefully soon be completed by the new coalition government and supported by the new parliamentary majority;
15. Calls on the Commission to work together with the Ukrainian authorities to find ways to counterbalance the effects of the retaliatory measures adopted by Russia in order to stop the signing of the Association Agreement, as well as of possible new measures; welcomes the announcement by the EU Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro, Olli Rehn, of the EU’s readiness to provide a substantial, ambitious, both short- and long-term financial aid package, once a political solution is in place based on democratic principles, a commitment to reform and the appointment of a legitimate government; calls on Russia to adopt a constructive attitude so as to create the conditions for Ukraine to benefit from bilateral relations with both the EU and Russia; urges the EU and its Member States to speak to Russia with one voice in support of the European aspirations of Ukraine and other EaP countries that freely choose to deepen their relations with the EU;
16. Expects the Council and the Commission to come forward as soon as possible, together with the IMF and the World Bank, with short-term financial assistance and a balance of payments facility, complemented with a long-term package, together with the EBRD and the EIB, of financial support to help Ukraine tackle its worsening economic and social situation and provide economic support to launch the necessary deep and comprehensive reforms of the Ukrainian economy; calls for an international donors’ conference to be held without undue delay; calls on the Commission and the EEAS to make the best use of funds available for Ukraine under the existing financial instruments and to consider making additional resources available for Ukraine as soon as possible;
17. Acknowledges that widespread corruption at all levels of government continues to hamper Ukraine’s potential to develop and is undermining the confidence of citizens in their own institutions; urges the new government, therefore, to make the fight against corruption a top priority in its programme, and calls for the EU to assist these efforts;
18. Stresses the urgent need to set up a truly independent and impartial judicial system;
19. Calls on the Council to authorise the Commission to speed up the visa dialogue with Ukraine; stresses that the swift finalisation of the visa liberalisation agreement – following the example of Moldova – between the EU and Ukraine is the best way to respond to the expectations of Ukrainian civil society and youth; calls, in the meantime, for the immediate introduction of temporary, very simple, low-cost visa procedures at EU and Member State level, together with strengthened research cooperation, expanded youth exchanges and increased availability of scholarships;
20. Takes the view that the DCFTA provisions do not represent any commercial challenges for the Russian Federation and that the Association Agreement is no impediment to Ukraine’s good relations with its eastern neighbour; underlines that instability in the shared neighbourhood is neither in the EU’s nor in Russia’s interest; emphasises that applying political, economic or other coercion is in breach of the Helsinki Final Act;
21. Takes note of the decision to hold presidential elections on 25 May 2014; underlines the need to ensure that these elections will be free and fair; strongly encourages the Verkhovna Rada to adopt the necessary electoral legislation in line with the Venice Commission recommendations, including a renewed law on the financing of political parties that addresses the issues identified by GRECO and the OSCE/ODIHR; encourages international observation of the upcoming elections and declares its readiness to set up its own observation mission for this purpose through a substantial European Parliament election observation mission; believes that legislative elections should be organised swiftly after the presidential elections and before the end of the year; calls on the Commission, the Council of Europe and the OSCE/ODIHR to provide reinforced pre-election support and a substantial long-term election monitoring mission so that the presidential elections scheduled for 25 May 2014 can be held in accordance with the highest standards and produce a result all contenders can accept; calls for detachment of European Parliament staff to the EU delegation in Kyiv for a transitional period leading up to the elections;
22. Welcomes the recent recognition by the Council that the Association Agreement, including a DCFTA, does not constitute the final goal in EU–Ukraine cooperation; points out that the EU stands ready to sign the AA/DCFTA as soon as the current political crisis is resolved and the new Ukrainian authorities are ready for a serious European perspective; recalls, furthermore, that Article 49 TEU applies to Ukraine, as to any other European state, provided that it adheres to the principles of democracy, respects fundamental freedoms and human and minority rights, and ensures the rule of law;
23. Expresses support for the civil-society and non-partisan initiative to set up a ‘Maidan Platform’, in order to develop a strategy to overcome the endemic corruption in Ukraine;
24. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the governments of the Member States, the acting President, Government and Parliament of Ukraine, the Council of Europe and the President, Government and Parliament of the Russian Federation. AMENDMENTS1 — AMENDMENTS2

Venice Commission to prepare opinions on referendum in Crimea and Draft law on admitting new subjects into Russian Federation

Strasbourg, 10 March 2014 – By a letter of 7 March 2014, the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, Thorbjørn Jagland, asked the Venice Commission to prepare two urgent opinions:
– on the compatibility with constitutional principles of the decision of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea in Ukraine to hold a referendum on becoming a constituent territory of the Russian Federation or restoring Crimea’s constitution of 1992, and
– on the compatibility with international law of the draft Federal Constitutional Law of the Russian Federation on “Amending the Federal Constitutional Law on the procedure of admission to the Russian Federation and creation of a new subject of the Russian Federation in its composition”.
Both opinions will be discussed at the forthcoming Plenary Session of the Venice Commission on 21-22 March, 2014.
Ukraine and the Council of Europe
Russian Federation and the Council of Europe

La Commission de Venise se prononcera sur le référendum en Crimée et sur le projet de loi sur l’admission de nouveaux sujets dans la Fédération de Russie

Strasbourg, le 10 mars 2014 – Par lettre du 7 mars 2014, le Secrétaire Général du Conseil de l’Europe, Thorbjørn Jagland, a demandé à la Commission de Venise de préparer deux avis urgents :
– sur la compatibilité avec les principes constitutionnels de la décision du Conseil suprême de la République autonome de Crimée en Ukraine de tenir un référendum sur la question de devenir un territoire constitutif de la Fédération de Russie ou de restaurer la constitution de la Crimée de 1992, et
– sur la compatibilité avec le droit international du projet de loi constitutionnelle fédérale de la Fédération de Russie sur « l’amendement de la loi constitutionnelle fédérale sur la procédure d’admission à la Fédération de Russie et la création d’un nouveau sujet faisant partie de la Fédération de Russie».
Les deux avis seront discutés à la prochaine session plénière de la Commission de Venise, les 21-22 mars 2014.
Ukraine et le Conseil de l’Europe
Fédération de Russie et le Conseil de l’Europe

Didier Reynders en mission politique Benelux soutient la souveraineté de l’Ukraine

Le Vice-Premier Ministre et Ministre des Affaires étrangères Didier Reynders s’est rendu à Kiev le lundi 10 mars avec ses homologues néerlandais Frans Timmermans et luxembourgeois Jean Asselborn pour une mission politique au format Benelux. Les trois ministres ont eu des entretiens officiels avec le Président ukrainien faisant fonction Oleksandr Turchynov et le Ministre des Affaires étrangères Andrii Deschytsya. Ils ont également eu des échanges avec des représentants de la société civile.

Les ministres des pays du Benelux sont venus renforcer le message de l’UE. Comme tout peuple souverain, les Ukrainiens doivent pouvoir décider eux-mêmes de leur avenir. Dans ce contexte, les ministres ont souligné que les valeurs européennes doivent bénéficier à tous les Européens, que ce soit à l’intérieur ou à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne. Ils ont marqué leur appréciation pour la grande retenue dont ont fait preuve les autorités ukrainiennes face à l’agression que subit le pays. Didier Reynders et ses homologues néerlandais et luxembourgeois ont appelé au respect absolu de la souveraineté et de l’intégrité territoriale de l’Ukraine. Ils ont également rappelé aux autorités faisant fonction d’organiser un gouvernement inclusif tenant compte de toutes les sensibilités politiques du pays et de préparer des élections libres et démocratiques.

Didier Reynders a aussi mis l’accent sur la protection des minorités et le besoin de renforcement des autonomies. Le Ministre a par ailleurs rencontré le Représentant résident du Fonds monétaire international (FMI) à Kiev pour parler du plan commun UE-FMI pour l’Ukraine.

Enfin, le Ministre Reynders et ses homologues néerlandais et luxembourgeois se sont rendu sur la place Maidan pour déposer une gerbe de fleurs en mémoire des victimes des affrontements du mois de février. Ils ont exprimé la solidarité du Benelux avec le peuple ukrainien.

Didier Reynders steunt soevereiniteit van Oekraïne tijdens Benelux-bezoek

Vicepremier en minister van Buitenlandse Zaken Didier Reynders was vandaag in de Oekraïense hoofdstad Kiev met zijn Nederlandse collega Frans Timmermans en zijn Luxemburgse collega Jean Asselborn. De drie ministers hadden ontmoetingen met waarnemend president Oleksandr Turchynov en minister van Buitenlandse Zaken Andrii Deschytsya. Ze spraken ook met vertegenwoordigers van de samenleving.

De drie ministers van de Benelux zijn de boodschap van de EU kracht komen bijzetten. Zoals elk soeverein volk moeten de Oekraïners over hun toekomst kunnen beslissen. De ministers benadrukten dat de Europese waarden voor alle Europeanen gelden, zowel binnen als buiten de Europese Unie. Ze toonden hun waardering voor de terughoudendheid van de Oekraïense overheid tegenover de agressie waarmee het land te kampen heeft. Didier Reynders en zijn collega’s riepen op tot respect voor de soevereiniteit en de territoriale integriteit van Oekraïne. Ze hebben aan de waarnemende overheid ook gevraagd om een inclusieve regering tot stand te brengen die rekening houdt met de politieke gevoeligheden van het land en om vrije en democratische verkiezingen te organiseren.

Didier Reynders legde ook de nadruk op de bescherming van de minderheden en de nood aan meer zelfbestuur. Hij heeft een ontmoeting gehad met de vertegenwoordiger van het Internationaal Monetair Fonds (IMF) in Kiev om te spreken over een gezamenlijk plan van de EU en het IMF voor Oekraïne.

Tot slot heeft Didier Reynders met zijn collega’s een bezoek gebracht aan het Maidanplein. Ze legden er een krans neer ter nagedachtenis van de slachtoffers van het hevige geweld in februari en toonden de solidariteit van de Benelux met het Oekraïense volk.

Working meeting with Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov

PRESIDENT OF RUSSIA VLADIMIR PUTIN: Mr Lavrov, I wanted to hear about the results of your contacts with your colleagues, your US and European colleagues, about the situation in Ukraine. I asked you, in response to the US request, to invite [US] Secretary of State Mr Kerry, who wanted to come to Russia to continue these consultations.

FOREIGN MINISTER SERGEI LAVROV: Mr President, as you instructed, the contacts are continuing. We had contacts throughout the last week in Europe. A series of international events took place there, in which John Kerry, the foreign ministers of the main European countries – France, Britain, Germany, Italy, Spain – and the European Union High Representative [Catherine] Ashton all took part. I met with each of them and explained our position and expressed our readiness to continue the joint search for solutions that would enable us to work together to help settle the situation in Ukraine. At one of the rounds of these multilateral consultations, our partners expressed the wish that we and the Americans try directly to find approaches that would be acceptable for everyone.
Last Friday, John Kerry gave me the document that I spoke to you about. The concept that it formulates is not particularly suitable in our opinion because the line it follows supposes the existence of a conflict between Russia and Ukraine and recognises events that have taken place as now accomplished facts. Our partners are proposing it seems, that we take the situation that the coup d’état has created as the starting point and take the steps they think necessary in these circumstances.
We analysed this document together with our colleagues from other agencies, set out our position on these proposals, and, acting on your instruction, invited John Kerry to come to Russia in accordance with President Obama’s request; it was proposed, I think, that he even come right today, and you were ready to meet with him. He agreed initially, but then on Saturday he called and said that he would like to postpone the trip for the moment. He said that they had put together another document in Washington. He sent this new document to me yesterday and we have analysed it. To be frank, it raises many questions on our side.
But we are not just passively receiving our colleagues’ proposals. Working together with the members of the Russian Federation Security Council, we have drafted some proposals of our own. They aim to bring the situation back into line with international law, taking into consideration the interests of all Ukrainians without exception and the serious state crisis that Ukraine is going through now. I am ready to brief you now on these proposals, and I hope that we can then send them to our partners so that the dialogue can continue.

VLADIMIR PUTIN: Yes, let’s discuss in detail all of the different aspects of this problem. Source.

Russia fed up with Western boorishness

It has not been that long after the burial of the victims of the Maidan, and the recent history of the Ukrainian tragedy is already being rewritten by the supporters of Kiev junta and biased Western experts. They are doing it without any regard to the generally known facts and witnesses. What myths are used in the information war?
Myth 1: President Viktor Yanukovych is illegitimate. The issue of the legitimacy of Yanukovych is considered by a British political scientist and researcher of fascism Roger Griffin in simple terms: “from the moment when he ordered security forces to open fire against demonstrators, he ceased to be the legitimate president. Then he escaped from the country and created the so-called power vacuum,” the expert told Pravda.Ru.
First, the United States shot at protestors several times, but no president became illegitimate because of it. During an FBI operation in 1993 by order of President George Bush a religious community “Mount Carmel” in Waco, Texas was shot and burned. 79 people, including three children, were killed. Second, Yanukovych gave the opposite order – not to open fire, which is why he is now in hiding. Third, the president did not escape, but as he claims, went on a business trip to Kharkov, and probably has a supporting document that can be presented to the court.
Myth 2: the opposition takeover was not a coup. “Yanukovych’s lavish lifestyle Full analysis.

The West’s Unrequited Love

By Xavier Lerma – An earlier coup also organized by the West was at first successful in Russia. In the early 20th century Russia was destroyed by Communism but then raised from the dead by Christ. Satan and all his power could not destroy Christianity in Russia. Yes, Christ has Risen and evil godless men could not destroy His Church. “And I saw them that had overcome the Beast” Russian martyrs who rejected the seal of the Antichrist. These are they who are come out of great tribulation, and have washed their robes, and have made them white in the blood of the Lamb. The Church has been rebuilt in Russia. Praise God! I have seen with my own eyes the empty destroyed churches and monasteries growing under construction over the past 20 years and being restored to God’s glory.
“The world should see the Orthodox Russia’s great feat of rebuilding all that was destroyed” – Patriarch Kirill. Over 58 Million were killed in Communist Russia but the Faith survived. It is one of the greatest miracles in world history. Most of the churches destroyed by the communists have been rebuilt. Donations collected recently in Moscow will start construction of 18 new churches under the “Program 200,” which will build 200 Orthodox churches in Moscow alone in the next 10-15 years. The evil that spread from Russia in 1917 to the West will be destroyed by Russia’s renewed faith that will heal the world.
Crimea recognizes the evil from the West and will not kowtow to the puppet government in Kiev which has caused chaos and ruin. Crimea hopes to become part of Russia soon. Its parliament has voted in favor of joining Russia and they asked Putin to accept. The referendum will be March 16th. Also, last Sunday, in the eastern Ukrainian city of Lugansk, about 3,000 pro-Russian demonstrators fought with the Euromaidan activists and took over the administration building. They put the Russian flag on top of the building demanding Mikhail Bolotskikh, a puppet leader, to step down. We know the Ukrainian protesters are bought and paid for. The coup under humanitarian guise orchestrated by the US, as Full analysis.

US Launches a Fascist Government – and World War Three?

by Felicity Arbuthnot – US multi-billion democracy-building via the man of whom Nuland opined to the US Ambassador to the Ukraine, Geoffrey Pyatt: “I think Yats is the guy …”(2) has all the hallmarks of becoming a mirror of the historic tragedies in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and being plotted via further humanitarian horrors committed by their proxies in Syria. Additionally the Nobel Peace Laureate American President appears to have reignited the Cold War, laid to rest with such joy across the world as the Berlin Wall fell just over fourteen years ago, on the 9th November 2013.
However, if the US Administration’s choice as a democratic Prime Minister is scarily woeful, the man who would be President, Dmitry Yarosh, is nothing short of astonishing. As Julie Levesque has written in a meticulous, jaw dropping article: “Dmitry Yarosh, leader of the Maidan Brown Shirts (is) on an international wanted list and charged with inciting terrorism.
“Under the new government, Yarosh is leader of the Neo-Nazi Right Sector delegation to the Ukraine Parliament. His close friend and political partner Andriy Parubiy co-founder of the Neo-Nazi Social-National Party of Ukraine (subsequently renamed Svoboda) was appointed by the new government to the position of Secretary of the National Security and National Defense Committee (RNBOU), a key position which overseas the Ministry of Defense, the Armed Forces, Law Enforcement, National Security and Intelligence. Right Sektor leaders Yarosh was appointed to the number two position at RNBOU.” Levesque asks: “Have the Neo-Nazis cornered Ukraine’s National Security agenda?”. Full opinion.

Is the new Ukrainian government legal?

By Alexander MEZYAEV – Talking about the situation in Ukraine, the key issue is the legality of the government. Is it legal or not, this fundamental question provides a clue to all further deliberations.
It’s not legitimacy but rather legality that is in question; does the government have a right to function according to law? Many have absolutely forgotten this term making all considerations and analysis (if miserable and sometimes legally incompetent attempts could be termed so) boil down to «legitimacy». There is a significant difference. Legality or lawfulness is a strictly defined notion based on norms of internal and international law. Legitimacy is a purely theoretical legal term. It is defined by law scholars and has no commonly accepted or even legally binding criterion. Now why everybody keeps on talking over and over again about the «legitimacy» of power while fully ignoring the term «legality»?
These are the words by US State Department spokesman:
«We are in the same place we have been in, which is that we don’t – we believe that Yanukovych has lost his legitimacy as he abdicated his responsibilities. As you know, he left Ukraine – or left Kyiv, and he has left a vacuum of leadership. So we continue to believe that he’s lost legitimacy and our focus remains on the path forward». Full story.

Ukraine as a Challenge of Perception

MARCH 11, 2014 6:46 | LILIA SHEVTSOVA – Who would have ever thought that Ukraine, in the second decade of the 21st century, would provoke such a global crisis bringing the world to the edge? The political and intellectual world has demonstrated how unprepared it is for the new challenges and how difficult it is—even for the best and experienced minds—to grasp the new reality.(…)
Meanwhile, the approaching Crimean referendum that will determine the region’s status will be held on March 16 in the presence of the Russian troops (they still pretend to be the unidentified “self-defense force”) will change a lot. While the referendum’s outcome is predetermined, the long term effects of such an event have not been fully considered. Russian annexation will permanently destabilize the region; it will undermine the post-Cold War settlement and current nuclear nonproliferation regime; disband the European security axioms; and tarnish the global audience’s perceptions of the West and its readiness to defend its values. Full analysis.

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