A new, more disturbing narrative about the Syrian civil war is emerging. The pro-democracy crusade has morphed into a Muslim holy war and secular minorities are being persecuted by so-called freedom fighters, whose ranks include al-Qaida.
Syrian-American Christians like myself have long feared that terrorist infiltration into the rebel cause would spell doom for millions of nonaligned minorities. We fear ethnic cleansing. We fear for our families and friends.
Middle East analysts confirm our worst nightmare, reporting that terrorists are among foreign fighters flooding Syria at the behest of the manipulative Saudis and their Qatari and Turkish henchmen.
Not when one considers the loss of American blood and treasure in liberating and protecting Saudi Arabia from Saddam Hussein.
Why would the Saudi royals and Qatari emir, both of whom would not think twice about beheading insurgents in their backyards, supply the rebels with financial aid, weapons and terrorist-linked fighters?
True, Saudi Arabia and Qatar are Sunni-dominated while Assad is a rival Alawite. But Assad has been remarkably tolerant of all sects, even allowing a tiny Jewish enclave to build a synagogue in Damascus.
Given the blood-for-oil motives of U.S. allies and the ethnic cleansing by the Free Syrian Army, why is President Barack Obama wading deeper into this mess?
He bows, winks and nods as the Arab League supplies the rebels. He emboldens the rebels with humanitarian aid and the prospect of sending warplanes to enforce a no-fly zone over rebel positions. Should Assad fall, he might dispatch a peacekeeping force to protect innocent Syrians from ethnic cleansing, which has already started.
Obama is risking already shaky alliances with Russia and China, our banker.
Instead of bowing to the Arab League, he should be grilling them about their free-Syria motives.
We condemn any violence against Syrians — but Assad is still the lynchpin of a shaky Mideast peace.
Obama’s miscalculations could ignite the Mideast powder keg.
The body counts of a post-Assad era would easily dwarf the casualties of the civil war.
Islamic fanatics would seize Assad’s chemical and biological weapons and turn them on U.S. allies in the region.
I don’t mean to be sarcastic, but if Obama continues his reckless intervention, he should arm the millions of innocent civilians who face ethnic cleansing.
Obama should wake up to the reality that there is no way democracy can blossom in the Middle East. The religious climate is too harsh and the United States lacks the political and economic clout on the world stage to make it happen.
Les erreurs de calcul de la Turquie !
Quand la Turquie s’est préparée à son rôle de « Directeur Régional pour la Recolonisation » en tant que « puissance néo-ottomane» ou « califat islamique moderne », elle a cru que son chemin serait sans encombres étant donné l’absence de stratégie arabe, l’isolement de l’Iran, et l’évolution des conditions régionales ayant rendu Israël incapable de tenir son propre rôle consistant, selon les théories de Shimon Peres, à promouvoir l’idée d’un « Nouveau ou Grand Moyen-Orient » fondée sur « la pensée sioniste » et « l’argent arabe ».
La Turquie a vraiment cru que telle était la meilleure façon de s’assurer le leadership de la région pour commencer, puis celui du monde musulman ensuite… confortée en cela par ses atouts économiques, ses bonnes relations avec les peuples de plusieurs États indépendants d’Asie centrale, son passé Musulman doublé d’un présent qui aurait démontré la capacité des « Islamistes » à tenir les rênes de l’État turc et à neutraliser l’obstacle de son Armée « gardienne de la laïcité » instaurée par Ataturc !
Partant de cette vision, la Turquie ou plutôt le « Parti pour la Justice et le Développement » a lancé sa stratégie du « zéro problème » pensant qu’elle lui permettrait de faire sauter les frontières voisines et de faire oublier les tragédies historiques commises à l’encontre de plusieurs peuples et États de la région, avant de s’envoler vers son nouveau rêve impérial… Elle a donc « pris d’assaut » la cause palestinienne, cause centrale pour les Arabes et Musulmans [cause des peuples et non celle des régimes inféodés à l’Occident et à Israël], puis elle s’est lancée dans le tissage de relations stratégiques avec différents pays de la région en commençant par le plus proche et le plus important : la Syrie ! En effet, dans un ouvrage publié en 2001, Daoud Oglu le théoricien du « zéro problème », avait souligné que la Turquie ne pouvait mener à bien ses projets impérialistes qu’en partant de Syrie, étape préliminaire pour assurer la profondeur stratégique rêvée !
Ici, il faut noter que la Syrie a répondu favorablement à la nouvelle politique d’ouverture de la Turquie et, en toute confiance, a établi un partenariat stratégique avec un État pourtant membre de l’OTAN « cultivant des relations particulières avec Israël », pensant que cette nouvelle approche lui permettrait au minimum de s’assurer de sa neutralité dans son conflit avec l’ennemi sioniste, et éventuellement de lui confier certaines missions dans le cadre de ce même conflit où elle n’afficherait plus son soutien flagrant à Israël.
Mais la Turquie n’a pas été honnête et avait prévu l’exact contraire de ce qu’elle proposait, puisque dès que l’agression occidentale sous ordres et plans US fondés sur la stratégie intelligente du « soft power » s’est abattue sur la Syrie, elle est entrée dans son rôle de « directeur de l’agression sur le terrain » et s’est posée en « donneuse de leçon » usant du langage condescendant des colonisateurs, comme si la Syrie faisait toujours partie de l’Empire ottoman !
The spike in the PKK’s terrorist activity in Turkey comes amid mounting concerns in Ankara that the PKK and its affiliates are gaining ground in Turkey’s southern neighbor. Particularly alarming was the capture of several towns along the Turkish border by the PKK’s Syrian offshoot, the Party of Unity and Democracy (PYD). Turkey watched nervously as Kurdish groups took control of the towns after the withdrawal of Assad forces and hoisted the Kurdish flag over Syrian government buildings, along with posters of the PKK’s imprisoned leader, Abdullah Ocalan.
Alarmed by the developments on its southern border, Turkey held a security summit at which top bureaucrats and government officials discussed Turkey’s policy on Syria, the surge in PKK activity, and the PYD’s enhanced grip on power in northern Syria. In a carefully worded statement following the summit, Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu emphasized that Turkey opposes Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria as long as the Assad regime remains in power, but that it will accept it afterwards if such autonomy is enshrined in a new constitution approved by the Syrian people. Also, Turkey will continue to support the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq and the Syrian opposition represented by the Syrian National Council (SNC) and will encourage them to contain the PKK. Lastly, Davutoglu stressed that Turkey will use military force if the PKK establishes itself in northern Syria.
These three points lead to one conclusion: Turkey will continue relying on Massoud Barzani, president of the KRG, and the SNC to keep Syrian Kurds’ demands for autonomy and PKK activities in check. Of course Turkey has good reason to believe that both Barzani and the SNC will be willing to play their part.
Ultimately, Turkey’s strategy of controlling Syrian Kurds through Barzani and the SNC might not yield any tangible results. Instead, Turkey should do three things to secure its interests in Syria. First, it should engage in direct relations with Syrian Kurds rather than working through Barzani or the SNC. Second, instead of …
The Kurdish Wild Card
The Turks argue that an extremist faction of Kurds, the Kurdish Democratic Union Party, (PYD), seized the Syrian villages with the intention of launching cross-border attacks on Turkey. The PYD is affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which Turkey and the United States consider a terrorist group.
Referring to the villages under Kurdish control, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan told a press conference, “We will not let the terrorist group set up camps and pose a threat to us. No one should attempt to provoke us.”
Every Kurd interviewed for this article, including strong opponents of the PYD, said Erdogan is manufacturing a threat to intimidate the Kurdish movement. Activist Al Ahmed notes that the villages are controlled jointly by the PYD and the umbrella Kurdish National Council (KNC). He asks why Kurds would attack Turkey when many are coming here as refugees.
Kurdish activists say the real issue is who controls the opposition movement in the Kurdish region. Kurds won’t allow the Turkish-backed Free Syrian Army into their areas. Kurds are divided into many political groups, but they are united in demanding that a post-Assad government respect Kurdish rights.
Le facteur kurde
La question des Kurdes de Syrie revient au cœur des préoccupations après la série d’attaques menées récemment en Turquie. Ankara a imputé la dernière en date au PKK : une attaque à la voiture piégée à Gaziantep, dans le sud du pays, le 20 août, qui a fait neuf morts. La Turquie voit derrière cet attentat la main de la Syrie. Le ministre des affaires étrangères turc, Ahmet Davutoglu, a suggéré l’implication de Damas en évoquant “un parallélisme en matière de mentalité et de méthode” avec la répression sanglante exercée par le régime de Bachar Al-Assad contre sa population. Un vice-président du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP), parti au pouvoir en Turquie, Hüseyin Celik, a lui directement incriminé Damas : “Il est connu que le PKK travaille main dans la main avec l’Al-Moukhabarat [les renseignements syriens]. Al-Assad considère l’ennemi de la Turquie, le PKK, comme un allié.”
Car la hantise de la Turquie, qui voit à sa frontière se multiplier les villes sous influence kurde, serait de voir émerger une seconde entité kurde autonome, après celle d’Irak. Cela pourrait réveiller les velléités indépendantistes kurdes sur son propre sol.
The Day After
“The Day After” project, a Syrian-led effort to plan for a post-Assad Syria, today released a comprehensive, inclusive plan for a transition in the event the opposition succeeds in bringing about the fall of the current regime. The report is the culmination of six months of intensive discussions among a diverse group of approximately 45 Syrians. It represents a shared vision of Syria’s democratic future, defined goals and principles for a transition, and a detailed yet flexible transition planning document.
Participants in The Day After project identified the following as goals that should guide the efforts of transitional authorities. Progress toward the achievement of these goals will increase prospects for a successful post-Assad transition:
Citizenship and equality of all citizens, rather than sectarian, ethnic, or gender considerations, should be decisive in relations between individuals and the state.
Syria should be a civil state in which the role of the security forces should be to protect the security and human rights of all citizens.
Unity of state and territory together with elements of decentralization will allow for citizens’ participation on all levels.
The economy should be managed to realize social justice, human development, sustainable development, and the protection of natural resources.
The new political leadership and government should demonstrate a clear commitment to democratic principles and processes to break with authoritarian legacies.
A new national identity needs to be developed, strengthened and promoted. Unity needs to be fostered among all components of Syrian society, and a consensus on the core values and fundamental principles of the nation as well as the new framework for governance needs to be built. Also, citizens need to be educated and empowered on the principles and practice of democracy.
To ensure a successful and orderly process should Bashar Assad’s government fall, “The Day After” project convened approximately 45 Syrians representing the full spectrum of the opposition. The group includes opposition figures associated with the Syrian National Council, the Local Coordination Committees in Syria, as well as former generals, economists, and lawyers, among others, from within Syria and the Diaspora. Men and women representing all major political trends and components of Syrian society and all the country’s religious groups participated
The United States Institute of Peace (USIP), in partnership with the Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), initiated the project in March 2011, and continued to provide technical support as the meeting commenced.
“USIP has a long, successful track record of working with countries in transitions – Iraq, Libya, the Philippines, and Kosovo, among others – and is recognized for its expertise in rule of law, security sector governance, post-conflict economic reconstruction, and constitutional design,” stated Institute President Richard Solomon. “This expertise made USIP and its German partner, the SWP, natural homes for an effort to facilitate efforts by a diverse and representative group of opposition figures to deliberate about how to manage a post-Assad transition.”
Our understanding is that the border is open…
That the Turkish Government is processing refugees into the camps, that there is a bit of a backlog, that they are also working with the UN to try to support refugees as they wait for processing, so that they are addressing those urgent humanitarian needs, that they are also preparing new camps and that they are now working well with the UN agencies to be able to expand the refugee operations that they are conducting.
As you know, there’s going to be on the 30th – I guess Thursday – a meeting at the UN Security Council that the French are hosting as president this month, primarily focused on the humanitarian situation in Syria. And I think there will be a strong call from the nations represented there to other nations around the world to help meet the still unfulfilled gaps in the UN appeal. As you may know, the UN recently increased its appeal for Jordan in particular because the numbers going into Jordan are large, and also to help with Turkey. The U.S., as you know, has given some $82 million, and we continue to look at what more we can do.
where we have been, particularly with – vis-a-vis Russia. We’ve been encouraging Russia to use what influence it has with Syria to prevail on the Assad regime to stop the violence, to definitively cut its own support for the regime, so that would be where we would encourage efforts from that quarter. we have been encouraging countries not only to downgrade their representation, but if they did choose to go, to be strong in the comments that they made to Iranian leaders with regard to Iran’s unfulfilled obligations, their nuclear, their human rights, their – the concerns we have about their support for terror, the concerns we have about what they’re up to in Syria. So we are looking to all of the representatives who are there to make strong comments. Again, we’re – we haven’t been privy to what Russia has been saying directly to Iran, but we hope it would be in line with all of those things.
We spoke extensively here yesterday about our hope and expectation that the Syrian opposition will continue to be unified, will continue to take the good work that they did in July on a code of conduct, on a transitional document, to work those proposals strongly with members of the opposition inside Syria to get broad buy-in for the general direction, democratic direction, pluralistic direction, tolerant direction, that the country should go moving forward. But it’s going to be up to Syrians when they make the decision to move forward to the next step.
Well, obviously we were gratified by the reported comments by President Morsi that he thinks time is up for President Assad and making those comments inside Iran clearly breaks with the Iranian position on Syria. So that’s a good thing and in keeping with what we had hoped to see.
August 28, 2012
- A solid majority of the U.S. public supports the Arab League and Turkey sponsoring safe havens for civilians in Syria
UN Security Council unable to help Syria
Both Russian and US foreign ministers have refused to take part in a UN Security Council special session on Syria convened by France on the 30th of August. France is the chairman of the UN Security Council this month.
This was clear from the very beginning because the opinions of the sides are well-known, they are poles apart. Logically, if there are any attempts to adopt any resolution or declaration, the opposing side will block it. In fact, we can see France’s attempt to draw attention to the Syrian problem once again but the Syrian problem is so acute that it remains the first priority as it is. For example, Iran is almost hinting that it would send its armed forces to Syria. According to some other sources, British special mission units are as good as fighting on Syrian territory. This info has not been proved but pressure on Syria continues. The UN Security Council turns out to be helpless in the context of a harsh opposition between the conflicting parties.”
Recently US President Barack Obama warned about a possible intrusion into Syria in case Damascus manipulated with chemical weapons. Paris and London supported this approach and coordinated the joint strategy of fighting for Bashar al-Assad’s resignation. They also agreed to provide more support to the Syrian armed opposition, which is bound to trigger a new spiral of contradiction with Moscow. The same can be said about French President Francois Hollande’s announcement that France is ready to recognize Syria’s interim government formed by the opposition.
- Türkiye’nin içinde bulunduğu durum Batının egemen güçlerinin Ortadoğu’daki maşası. Onlar ateşi elleriyle tutmak istemiyorlar.
Israel and Iran jeopardize the neighborhood
Putin and Obama should stand together to tell the two sides to put a lid on their mutual invective and store their rattling sabers at pain of being abandoned to their own devices sans trade agreements, weapons deals and military/civil aid. If they chose to be partners instead of protagonist, together they could guarantee the security and sovereign inviolability of both Israel and Iran to quell legitimate fears. I can’t blame you if you think that sounds idealistic, naïve even. After all, big powers have always operated out of self-interest. It would be a better world if they came together but let’s be pragmatic. A major conflagration in the MENA region involving not only Israel and Iran but potentially also Hezbollah, Syria, Hamas, Turkey, Iraq and, possibly Egypt that is slowly gravitating toward Tehran, would be gravely detrimental to Washington and Moscow as well as their regional allies. Haven’t two world wars that destroyed the lives of millions upon millions taught them anything at all?
We, the people, aren’t exempt from taking responsibility either. Is there anybody out there who seriously wants their countries enmeshed in a bloody conflict, one in which the chance of weapons of mass destruction being unleashed is high? That would require us to climb out of our entrenched political positions and climb off our nationalistic high horses long enough to petition our leaderships to utilize every diplomatic tool to calm the situation.
In the great scheme of things it doesn’t matter which side is right or which is wrong. And don’t be fooled into thinking that this contretemps is all about whether or not Iran’s uranium enrichment program is geared toward nuclear weapons. Even if it were, nukes are useless other than as a deterrent because when used against countries able to retaliate in kind they equate to self-destruction. He won’t admit it, but Netanyahu’s fears revolve around Tehran’s emboldening of states and non-state actors in the vicinity around Israel with extremist ideology, cash and weapons; concerns that are shared by many Gulf states. For its part, Tehran is ultra defensive because it has been punished by US and EU-imposed trade, economic and oil industry sanctions and, given years of non-stop Israeli threats, is alert to those threats being realized.
Rivayet değil, gerçek !
Türkiye, Hatay’ın Suriye sınırındaki mülteci kamplarının resmen askeri üs olarak kullanıldığını konuşuyor ancak durum sanıldığından da vahim. Apaydın kampının “Özgür Suriye Ordusu”nun kullanımına tahsis edildiği hükümet yetkililerince açıklanırken, El Kaide bağlantılı gruplar da merkez ilçe Antakya’nın göbeğinde elini kolunu sallayarak dolanıyor. Sendika.Org, röportaj için gittiği Antakya Belediye Parkı’nda En Nusra Cephesi’ne bağlı kalabalık bir gruptan bazı cihatçılarla, grubun kullandığı bir evi ve aracı görüntüledi.
· İkinci öğretim öğrencileri için eşitsizlik katlanıyor – Cihan Uyanık
· Ortadoğu değişimi ve Türkiye – Gökhan Nazlı
· Sizin ölünüz terörist – Ezgi Arat
· Kendini gerçekleştiren kehanet: Cinnet – Özgür Babaoğulları
· Muhteşem ikili – Tufan Sertlek
· Değişen milliyetçilik (2): Milli ekonomi; tek devlet, tek bayrak, tek millet, tek din – Aydın Şelte
· Küreselleşme mi emperyalizm mi? – Gencer Çakır
· AKP Selefilerle kol kola: El Kaideleşen AKP -Dr. Mustafa Peköz
· Çete-i Nisvan -Mustafa Özcan
· Negri ve Hardt neyi ‘Duyuru’yor? – Sevinç Türkmen
· Lig başlarken bir direniş, bir sınıf, bir kulüp: Bir gün olsun davamızı bırakmadık – Umar Karatepe
· Suriye ve Demokratik Konfederalizm – Ebubekir Avcı
· Yurtseverlik ve liberal aklın paradoksları -Onur Aksoy
· Faşizm üzerine: Avrupa’nın üzerindeki iki hayalet -Foti Benlisoy
· Münür Rahvancıoğlu: Baraka neden “Bağımsız Kıbrıs” dedi? -Firuzan Nalbantoğlu’nun söyleşisi
· Kürtçe eğitimde bir yanılsama olarak seçmeli Kürtçe dersleri – Mürüvvet Yılmaz
· Değişen milliyetçilik (1): Coğrafyamızda milliyetçiliğin temelleri -Aydın Şelte
· AKP’nin ‘İş’ güvenliği: 110 ölüm (Temmuz 2012 iş kazaları raporu) – Sendika.Org
· Engelli çocuklar yine evine mahkum – Ergün İşeri
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